Congo’s Holocaust & the end-of 20th Century Plunder of DRC

by Mark Brown, with contributions from Antoine Roger Lokongo


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Background to the Democratic Republic of the Congo:
The Republic of the Congo (French: République du Congo) was a sovereign state in Central Africa that was created with the independence of the Belgian Congo in 1960. From 1960 to 1966, the country was often known as Congo-Léopoldville (after its capital) in order to distinguish it from its north-western neighbour, also called the Republic of the Congo or Congo-Brazzaville. With the renaming of Léopoldville as Kinshasa on 1 June 1966, it was known as Congo-Kinshasa until 1971.

On 1 August 1964, the state’s official name was changed to Democratic Republic of the Congo.[1][2] In 1971, the state’s name changed to Zaire.

The period between 1960 and 1965 is referred to as the First Congolese Republic, and the current Democratic Republic of the Congo is the Third Republic.

Unrest and rebellion continued to plague the government until 1965, when Lieutenant General Joseph Désiré Mobutu, commander-in-chief of the national army, seized control of the country. Mobutu changed the country’s name to Zaire in 1971 and remained its president until 1997.

At independence, Congolese Uranium exports were 50% of World Uranium exports. The country had 75% of world cobalt exports. It had 70% of industrial diamonds exports. It exported 30% of world cotton, 95% of tin and 10% of copper.

The country has a huge hydro-electrical production potential. Its huge rivers could serve as efficient means of transportation and attract millions of tourists.

It is strategically situated in central Africa and borders 9 African countries. Angola and Zambia to the South. Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and Tanzania to the east. To the west is the Republic of the Congo, also called Congo-Brazzaville. The DRC shares the northern border with Sudan and the Central African Republic.

Recent History
After the Rwandan Genocide during the 100-day period from April 7 to mid-July 1994 and the seizure of power by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) government composed mostly of Tutsis who took control of the government after the massacre of Tutsis by ethnic Hutus (and to a lesser extent Hutus and Tutsis by the RPF), came the First Congo War (1996–1997) when Laurent Désiré Kabila – a long-time opponent of Mobutu – led a rebellion backed by Rwanda and Uganda to overthrow Mobutu. Rwanda justified its involvement on the basis of addressing the issue of destabilization in eastern Zaire resulting from the Rwandan Genocide because of large migration movements of Hutu refugees into eastern Congo including the Hutu genocidaires such as the Interahamwe and Impuzamugambi who began to regroup in refugee camps along the border with Rwanda. Declaring a need to avert further genocide was the final factor that caused numerous internal and external factors to align against the corrupt dictatorship of Mobutu Sésé Seko, based in Kinchasa. The opportunity to oust Mobuto had presented itself with the geopolitical change in the region, whereby Rwanda vowed to root out the perpetrators of the 1994 genocide, harboured by Mobutu in the east of the former Zaire, to ensure its stability. Angola and President Museveni’s regime in Uganda were equally concerned, given the fact that Mobutu also harboured Angolan UNITA rebels who had important bases in the south western part of the former Zaire and Ugandan Lord’s Liberation Army rebel movement operating from the north eastern part of the former Zaire.

Assisting Laurent-Désiré Kabila in the overthrow the regime of Mobutu Sese Seko, was the United States with high technology intelligence tracking populations of ethnic Hutu’s who had fled Rwanda from reprisals from the RPF-led government who led military incursions into Zaire. US military support included providing NASA satellite data for the rebel advance, assisting the ‘Alliance Democratique pour la Liberation du Congo-Zaire’ (AFDL-CZ) and their Rwandan allies with technical assistance in order to make military incursions into Zaire. Technical assistance and intelligence provided by the US Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) including NASA satellite data and high definition spy satellite photographs which enabled the AFDL-CZ to order their troops to plot courses into Kinshasa that avoided encounters with Mobutu’s forces.

In September 2000, New African reported: “...America has a military base in Rwanda, and top American marine officers are involved in intense training of the Rwandan military elite.” In March 2001, New African reported that this military base was located in the Bugesera district of Rwanda. New African’s reports were confirmed when Wayne Madsen, the American investigative journalist and author of the book, ‘Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa 1993-1999’, testified before the Congressional Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights Committee on International Relations, on 17th May 2001, stating that there had been reports that Halliburton subsidiary Kellogg Brown & Root set up a military base in southwestern Rwanda in 1995 in preparation for the US-backed invasion of Congo/Zaire to topple the abandoned Mobutu dictatorship (Madsen). In his testimony, Wayne Madsen claimed that the military aid programmes of the United States, largely planned and administered by the US Special Operations Command and the Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA), involved the use of private military training firms and logistics support contractors (who are immune to Freedom of Information Act requests). According to informed sources in Paris, US Special Forces actually accompanied ADFL-CZ forces into Kinshasa.

The following extracts are direct quotes from Wayne Madsen (author of the report “Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa 1993-1999”) from his testimony before the US Congressional Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights Committee on International Relations, on 17th May 2001: “The increasing reliance by the [US] Department of Defence on so-called Private Military Contractors (PMCs) is of special concern. Many of these PMCs once labelled as mercenaries by previous American administrations when they were used as foreign policy instruments by the colonial powers of France, Belgium, Portugal, and South Africa have close links with some of the largest mining and oil companies involved in Africa today. PMCs, because of their proprietary status, have a great deal of leeway to engage in covert activities far from the reach of congressional investigators. They can simply claim that their business in various nations is a protected trade secret and the law now seems to be on their side. All for profit America’s policy toward Africa during the past decade, rather than seeking to stabilise situations where civil war and ethnic turmoil reign supreme, has seemingly promoted destabilisation.

Madsen: “Prior to the first Rwandan invasion of Zaire/DRC in 1996, a phalanx of US intelligence operatives converged on Zaire. Their actions suggested a strong interest in Zaire’s eastern defences. The No.2 person at the US embassy in Kigali, [Rwanda], travelled from Kigali to eastern Zaire to initiate intelligence contacts with the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (AFDL-CZ) rebels under the command of the late President Laurent Kabila. The Rwandan embassy official met with rebel leaders at least 12 times. A former US ambassador to Uganda acting on behalf of the US Agency for International Development (USAID) gathered intelligence on the movement of Hutu refugees through eastern Zaire.” He continued, “The DIA’s Africa division had close ties with an Alexandria, Virginia, private military company whose vice president for operations was a former director of the DIA. The political officer of the US embassy in Kinshasa, [Congo], accompanied by a CIA operative, travelled with AFDL-CZ rebels through the eastern Zaire [forests] for weeks after the 1996 Rwandan invasion of Zaire. In addition, it was reported that the Kinshasa embassy official and three US intelligence agents regularly briefed Bill Richardson, Clinton’s special African envoy, during the rebels steady advance towards Kinshasa.”

As US troops and intelligence agents were pouring into Africa to help the RPF and AFDL-CZ forces in their 1996 campaign against Mobutu, Vincent Kern, the deputy-assistant secretary of defence for African affairs, told the [Congress] International Operations and Human Rights Subcommittee on 4 December 1996 that US military training for the RPF was being conducted under a programme called the ‘Enhanced International Military Education and Training’ (E-IMET). Kathi Austin, a Human Rights Watch specialist on arms transfers in Africa, told the [Congressional] Subcommittee on 5 May 1998 that one senior US embassy official in Kigali described the US Special Forces training programme for the RPF as “killers… training killers.”

During 1996, US aerial intelligence photographs confirmed the existence of 500,000 refugees who had fled Rwanda into eastern Congo distributed in three major and numerous minor agglomerations. Nicholas Stockton, the emergencies director of Oxfam UK & Ireland said that three days later, the US military claimed it could only locate one significant mass of people, which they claimed were identified as former members of the Rwandan armed forces and the genocidal machete-wielding Hutu Interhamwe militia. As number one targets for the RPF forces, their identification and location undoubtedly passed to the Rwandan forces, surely resulting in their execution. In regard to the other refugees, it was reported that some US military and diplomatic personnel in Central Africa said that any deaths among the Hutu refugees merely constituted collateral damage. Madsen cited reports that US Security personnel were involved in military targeting of displaced Hutus at the time. He said: “Toward the end of 1996, US spy satellites were attempting to ascertain how many refugees escaped into the [forest] by locating fires at night and canvas tarpaulins during the day. Strangely, every time an encampment was discovered by the space-based imagery, Rwandan and Zaire rebel forces attacked the sites. This was the case in late February 1997, when 160,000, mainly Hutu refugees, were spotted and then attacked in a swampy area known as Tingi Tingi.

Madsen again: “In November 1996, US spy satellites and a US Navy P-3 Orion were attempting to ascertain how many Rwandan Hutu refugees were in eastern Zaire. The P-3 was one of four stationed at old Entebbe Airport [in Uganda] on the shores of Lake Victoria. Relying on the overhead intelligence, US military and aid officials confidently announced that 600,000 Hutu refugees returned home to Rwanda from Zaire. But that left an estimated 300,000 unaccounted for. Many Hutus seemed to be disappearing from camps around Bukavu. Americans participated in the Goma massacre. By December 1996, US military forces were also operating in Bukavu amid throngs of Hutus, less numerous Twa refugees, Mai Mai guerrillas, advancing Rwandan troops and AFDL-CZ rebels. A French military intelligence officer said he detected some 100 armed US troops in the eastern Zaire conflict zone. Moreover, the DGSE [the French equivalent of the CIA] reported the Americans had knowledge of the extermination of Hutu refugees by Tutsis in both Rwanda and eastern Zaire and were doing nothing about it.”

Madsen again “More ominously, there was reason to believe that some US mercenaries, may have actually participated in the extermination of Hutu refugees. Killings reportedly took place at a camp on the banks of the Oso River near Goma. Roman Catholic reports claim that the executed included a number of Hutu Catholic priests. At least for those who were executed, death was far quicker than it was for those who escaped deep into the [forest]. There, many died from tropical diseases or were attacked and eaten by wild animals. Jacques Isnard, the Paris-based defence correspondent for Le Monde, supported the contention of US military knowledge of the Oso River massacre but went further. He quoted French intelligence sources that believed that between 30 and 60 American mercenary advisers participated with the RPF in the massacre of hundreds of thousands of Hutu refugees around Goma. Although [Isnard’s] number of Hutu dead was more conservative than the French estimates, the UN Chilean investigator, Roberto Garreton, reported that the Kagame and Kabila forces had committed crimes against humanity in killing thousands of Hutu refugees. It was known that the planes the US military deployed in eastern Zaire included heavily armed and armoured helicopter gunships typically used by the Special Forces. These were fitted with 105 mm cannons, rockets, machine guns, landmine ejectors, and, more importantly, infra-red sensors used in night operations. US military commanders unabashedly stated the purpose of these gunships was to locate refugees to determine the best means of providing them with humanitarian assistance. According to the French magazine, Valeurs Actuelles, a French DC-8 Sarigue electronic intelligence (ELINT) aircraft circled over eastern Zaire at the time of the Oso River massacre. The Sarigue’s mission was to intercept and fix the radio transmissions of Rwandan military units engaged in the military operations. This aircraft, in addition to French special ground units, witnessed US military ethnic cleansing in Zaire’s Kivu Province.”

After the removal of Mobutu, these countries’ military batallions consolidated their occupation of the eastern regions of the territory, with the multinationals benefiting from the de facto partition of the country into some four separate zones of political control – reminiscent of the original segmentation of the Congo by King Leopald II of Belgium in 1885, whereby the region was divided up between the 5 imperialist nations. Antoine Roger Lokongo: “Kabila’s agreement with his Ugandan, Rwandan and Burundian backers, consisted of a revision of the border drawings in favour of Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi as a price to be paid by Congo for the aid given to him during the war of liberation and for the problem of security in the border with the four countries..” It is no coincidence that Walter Kansteiner – the US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs under the Clinton administration – was previously on the Defence Department’s Task Force on Strategic Minerals, and wrote a report in 1996 for the ‘Forum for International Policy’ on the then eastern Zaire, in which he called for the division of territory in the Great Lakes Region between the primary ethnic groups (Ref: “Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa 1993-1999”, by Wayne Madsen).

Antoine Roger Lokongo: “As soon as he settled in Kinshasa, Kabila re-distributed concessions of the different mining sites to different mining companies to allow him to honour his short term obligations and also to pay the daily costs of his politico-administrative apparatus.


The ‘Second Great Scramble of Africa’: the grab for Congo’s globally-important strategic minerals

In the DRC, as multinationals invaded the region before and after the dislodging from power of Mobutu, the flow of mineral resources and the liberation of capacity for growth in healthy profit margins were enhanced with the privatisation of the state-owned mining company Gecamines in possession of the Kipushi copper-zinc mine – one of the world’s premier copper-zinc mines – bought out by American Mineral Fields (AMF), which is now trading under the initials AMZ (American Mineral Zincor, since it is in joint-venture with Zincor of South Africa).

Antoine Roger Lokongo, taken from his website CongoPanorama: “In March 1997, as soon as Kisangani fell to Kabila’s AFDL, the leaders of American Mineral Fields Inc., a metals giant multinational company listed on the Toronto Stock Exchange (symbol -AMZ) as a junior mining company set up their office in Goma to enter into contract with the authorities of ADFL. AMZ was formed in 1995 to develop Brazilian diamond interests and was operating from Arkansas in the US, and subsequently shifted its focus to the vast mineral opportunities in the former Zaire. The contact was made thanks to a retired Belgian Colonel, Willy Mallant, military advisor of ADFL and former military advisor to Mobutu as well. AMZ succeeded in taking over the bid for the exploration of copper and cobalt in Tenke – Fungurume, Katanga, a mining concession belonging to Gecamines, at the expense of its competitor, South African mining company Anglo American Corporation Zincor and Belgium’s Union Minière who was granted licences by the outgoing Mobutu regime to extract and process copper and cobalt in Kasomba and Kolwezi.”

Antoine Roger Lokongo: “But according to Pierre Baracyetse, a French mining civil engineer, AMZ was at that time implicated and interested in the contract for the construction of the orbital platform around the world that is destined to replace the Russian Station, MIR after its demise. It is a question of a $60 billion market, which will end in 2004 with the launching of the last module. Enterprises and industries from 60 countries are participating in it. Special alloys, which enter into the composition of numerous parts of this special engine require enormous quantities of rare and precious metals, such as cobalt, coltan (colombo-tantalite or niobium), tungsten or gold. All these metals are found in the Congolese sub-strata.

The agreement between the AFDL and AMZ was described by Jean-Raymond Boulle, AMZ’s key shareholder as ‘a new era lurking out in the former Zaire’. ‘There is a risk, but for us it is logical,’ Boulle said. The agreement consisted of a transfer of Gecamines, the giant of Congolese economy to AMZ under a form of privatisation.”

The opening shot of what is commonly known in business circles as the ‘Second Great Scramble’ for Congo’s strategic mineral grab, took place in 1996 when under Mobutu regime, Banro Corp. of Toronto bought 36% of Société Minière et Industrièlle du Kivu (Sominki). Sominki was formed in 1976 as an amalgamation of nine companies that had been operating in Kivu, the second Congolese province richest in minerals after Katanga, since the 1900s. It operated 47 mining concessions, encompassing an area of 10,271 square kilometres. Banro raised some of its money for the purchase by floating shares in Singapore. Banro was previously a small financial institution, with little apparent aptitude for mining. It was reconfigured as a company for the special purpose of this purchase, or acting as a front for someone.

Another large chunk of Sominki was bought by the then Belgian-based mining company Mines d’Or du Zaire (MDDZ). Now 60% of MDDZ’s shares were owned by Cluff Mining CO. of London whose 65% of shares are controlled by Anglo-American Corp, the world’s largest mining company and a key component of the Club of the Isles. On September 1996, Banro and MDDZ announced their merger, with Banro selling its shares to MDDZ. The new Banro-MDDZ company consolidated a 72% stake in Sominki, while Mobutu’s government held 28%. The Banro-MDDZ entity subsequently announced that it planned to acquire that 28% from the government, the last nail in the coffin for Sominki.

In 1996 Barrick Gold joined hands with Hollinger Corp, and purchased the ‘Mines d’Or de Kilomoto’ a huge gold concession in Congo’s northeast Oriental province, which covers 83,000 square kilometres. Already in May 1995, the Canada-based Barrick Gold Corp. created an international advisory board around the personal leadership of former American President George Bush, then designated as ‘honorary senior adviser’. Barrick’s founder is Adnan Khashoggi, a Saudi billionaire arms trafficker, famous for his illegal weapons sales to Iran in the Reagan era.”

Despite signing contracts with mining companies such as the AMZ on seizing power, Kabila subsequently renounced the privatisation of Gecamines which AMZ had negotiated in April 1997 with the new ADFL Congolese authorities. Kabila also revised all the contracts signed with the American-Canadian consortium AMZ. Instead he signed an agreement with AMZ and Anglo American Corporation of South Africa under which the two companies would form a joint venture to put the Kipushi and Kolwezi tailings copper and cobalt deposits into production in partnership with Gecamines. Kabila also refused to pay all the IMF loans Mobutu had contracted. In July 1998, Kabila expelled Rwandan and Ugandan forces from the Congo. As a result, on 2nd August, Rwanda and Uganda invaded the eastern region of the Congo and set up surrogate ‘rebel’ armies. Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia sent their armies to support Kabila and Burundi joined the Rwandans and the Angolans. As a result, on 2nd August 1998, Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi launched a war of aggression against the Democratic Republic of Congo with the blessing of Washington, London and South Africa, on the pretext that Laurent Désiré Kabila was not doing enough to curb rebel activities from the Congolese territory into Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi, and from the standpoint of Rwanda, was still habouring the Hutu Interahamwe (responsible for the 1994 genocide in Rwanda), with the Tutsi RCD impatient to have a free reign in the Congo to track down and massacre all Hutus present in the Congo. This was the start of the second Congo war. Antoine Roger Lokongo: “A UN Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of Congo, has proved that this invasion provided a smoke screen for and is closely linked to another invasion of Congo’ mining properties at the heart of which are American and Canadian mining companies and the Openheimer family-run South Africa-based Anglo American Corporation. These mining companies represent forward beachheads for the London-centred Club of the Isles, an Anglo-American global raw materials cartel.”


The second Congo war

Military aid sent to Rwanda in the weeks just leading up to the outbreak of hostilities in Congo in August 1998 under both the E-IMET and JCET programmes for US Special Operations personnel was also extended to train Rwandans to defeat genocidal ethnic Tutsi ex-FAR (Rwandan Armed Forces) and machete-wielding Interhamwe units located in eastern Congo, when Rwandans, Ugandans and Burundians militarily supported the RCD (Rally for Congolese Democracy)* rebel faction, a group fighting the Kabila government in Congo, to get rid of Laurent Kabila and replace him with someone more compliant to the agenda of Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi and the US. One of the major goals of the Rwandan backed RCD-Goma faction was the restoration of mining concessions for [a Canadian mining company, name withheld]. [* Note: the RCD later became a political party]. Antoine Roger Lokongo: “President Laurent Désiré Kabila was assassinated on 17th January 1999 – the same day Lumumba was massacred and this is not mere coincidence. Kabila’s death was orchestrated by a foreign hand and executed by ‘an African hand’, including his own entourage. Meanwhile, US military and intelligence agencies, which have supported Uganda and Rwanda in their cross-border adventures in the DRC, resisted peace initiatives and failed to produce evidence of war crimes by the Ugandans and Rwandans and their allies in Congo.”

Madsen: “As with the first invasion, there were also a number of reports that the RPF and their RCD allies carried out a number of massacres throughout the DRC. The Vatican reported a sizeable killing of civilians in August 1998 in Kasika, a small village in South Kivu, that hosted a Catholic mission station. Over 800 people, including priests and nuns, were killed by Rwandan troops. The RCD response was to charge the Vatican with aiding Kabila. The Rwandans, choosing to put into practice what the DIAs PSYOPS [psychological operations] personnel had taught them about mounting perception management campaigns, shepherded the foreign press to carefully selected killing fields. The dead civilians were identified as exiled Burundian Hutu militiamen. Unfortunately, many in the international community, still suffering a type of collective guilt over the genocide of the Tutsis in Rwanda, gave the Rwandan assertions more credence than was warranted. The increasing reliance by the [US] Department of Defence on so-called Private Military Contractors (PMCs) is of special concern. Many of these PMCs once labeled as mercenaries by previous [American] administrations when they were used as foreign policy instruments by the colonial powers of France, Belgium, Portugal, and South Africa have close links with some of the largest mining and oil companies involved in Africa today. PMCs, because of their proprietary status, have a great deal of leeway to engage in covert activities far from the reach of congressional investigators. They can simply claim that their business in various nations is a protected trade secret and the law now seems to be on their side. All for profit Americas policy toward Africa during the past decade, rather than seeking to stabilise situations where civil war and ethnic turmoil reign supreme, has seemingly promoted destabilisation.”

Madsen: “These US contractor support programmes have reportedly involved covert assistance to the Rwandan and Ugandan militaries the major backers of the Rassemblement Congolais pour la Democratie (RCD factions), and as reported by the UN Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of the DRC are responsible for the systematic pillaging of Congo’s most valuable natural resources. The UN panel chaired by Safiatou Ba-NDaw of Cote dIvoire concluded that: “Top military commanders from various countries needed and continue to need this conflict for its lucrative nature and for temporarily solving some internal problems in those countries as well as allowing access to wealth. There is more than ample evidence that elements of the US military and intelligence community may have on varying occasions aided and abetted this systematic pillaging by the Ugandan and Rwandan militaries”.

Madsen: “The UN Report named the United States, Germany, Belgium and Kazakhstan as leading buyers of the illegally exploited resources from the DRC. Sources in the Great Lakes Region consistently report the presence of a US-built military base near Cyangugu, Rwanda, near the Congolese border. The base, reported to have been partly constructed by the US firm, [name withheld], is said to be involved with training RPF forces and providing logistics support to their troops in the DRC. Additionally, the presence in the region of black US [African-American] soldiers supporting the RPF and Ugandans has been something consistently reported since the first invasion of Zaire-Congo in 1996. On 21 January 1997, France claimed it actually recovered the remains of two American combatants killed near the Oso River in Congo’s Kivu province during combat and returned them to American officials. The US denied these claims.


Guilt-through-Association: List of companies involved – in Report of the UN Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources & Other Forms of Wealth:
The 2002 Report of the UN Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth listed 85 multinationals from South Africa, Europe and the United States who have been involved in illegal activity in the Congo during the period of conflict, who allegedly contravened guidelines on conflict zones set down by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. These included Anglo American, Barclays Bank, Bayer A G, De Beers diamond company and the Cabot Corp. Also mentioned were four Belgian diamond firms and the Belgian Groupe George Forrest mining operation, which is in partnership with the OM Group, based in Ohio. Of the 85 companies named in total, 48 are Anglo-American, with 12 having addresses in the UK.

The UN panel chaired by Safiatou Ba-NDaw of Cote dIvoire concluded that: “Top military commanders from various countries needed and continue to need this conflict for its lucrative nature and for temporarily solving some internal problems in those countries as well as allowing access to wealth. There is more than ample evidence that elements of the US military and intelligence community may have on varying occasions aided and abetted this systematic pillaging by the Ugandan and Rwandan militaries.

On 21st December 2017, the US government imposed sanctions on the Israeli billionaire Dan Gertler, whose African business dealings were exposed in the Paradise Papers, showing over “hundreds of millions of dollars’ worth of opaque and corrupt mining and oil deals” in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, including a $45m loan in shares to one of his companies from the world’s biggest miner, Glencore. Documents revealed within the Paradise Papers showed that several times over 2008 and 2009, Gertler was called in to negotiate with DRC authorities over the struggling Katanga copper mine in the south-east of the country, which was mired in stalled talks to secure a joint-venture agreement with DRC’s state-run miner Gécamines. Because of Gertler’s deals, the US OFAC said, in just three years, DRC reportedly lost more than $1.36bn in revenues from the underpricing of mining assets that were sold to offshore companies linked to Gertler. [Source: The Guardian, 22/12/2017].


See also: Film-Promo “The Deluge”: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U1mqvr8iNHc
&
http://allthingspass.com/


References:
1). Antoine Roger Lokongo: published on old website” www.congopanorama.info
2). Ellen Ray: “U.S. MILITARY AND CORPORATE RECOLONIZATION OF THE CONGO” – original reference quoted in: “NATO and Beyond: The Wars of the Future”, by Ellen Ray & Bill Schaap, Covert-Action Quarterly, No. 66 (Winter 1999).
3). Wayne Madsen in his testimony before the Congressional Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights Committee on International Relations, on 17th May 2001. Full transcript here: here
4). The Guardian, 22/12/2017; Ref: https://www.theguardian.com/news/2017/dec/22/paradise-papers-us-sanctions-billionaire-dealings-drc

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