Category Archives: Posted

Rent-Strike: Students at University of Manchester on Rent-Strike over cost-of-living crisis

Students at University of Manchester on rent strike over cost of living crisis

Organisers say they are seeking 30% monthly cut and that more than 150 people have signed up
Ref: https://www.theguardian.com/education/2023/jan/09/students-at-university-of-manchester-on-rent-strike-over-cost-of-living-crisis
The Guardian, Mon 9th Jan 2023

Hundreds of students in halls of residence at the University of Manchester are withholding their rent payments this month over the cost of living crisis.

The students are seeking to pressure their university into offering a 30% cut on monthly rent payments, including a rebate for fees already paid, which they claim have become unaffordable.

The organisers said: “We know that the university can do much more to materially help students deal with this crisis. The money is there to support UoM students without ripping us off.”
The organisers said that more than 150 students have signed up to take part so far, of whom some had already cancelled their direct debits while others would manually withhold their rent payment on the week of 19 January.

They said this amounted to more than £100,000, since average payments for the spring term are about £1,800, although the organisers are anticipating that more than £300,000 could be withheld.

A survey by the Office for National Statistics in November found half of all students in England were facing financial difficulties, with a quarter taking on additional debts and three in 10 skipping lectures and tutorials to cut costs.

Fraser McGuire, a first year history and politics student, said he was moved to help organise the strike after realising he would be left to live off £200 from his maintenance loan for four months after paying rent.

He said students felt “worried, stressed, angry and powerless”. “Lots are in a lot of financial difficulty. Out of a lot of people’s maintenance loan payments, 70, 80, 90% of that goes on rent. Students are working up to full-time hours to help get them through their studies,” he added.

He said the organisers had taken tips from the students who went on strike in 2020, securing a 30% rebate worth £4m from the university to compensate them for their dissatisfaction with their pandemic experience, and they were in talks with students at other universities.

Manchester students are also asking for no further increases in rent over the next three years, and for 40% of halls to meet the National Union of Students’ definition of affordability, which is 50% of the highest student maintenance loan. They believe that this could be funded through Manchester’s record £119.7m surplus.

The affordability of student accommodation is a problem across universities as rents have risen far more rapidly than inflation. Estimates by the NUS and the student housing charity Unipol suggest average costs have risen by 60% over the past decade to reach £7,347, surpassing the average £6,900 student maintenance loan.

A University of Manchester spokesperson said the university had implemented a £9m range of measures to help students with the cost of living crisis, including £2,000 support payments, £170 for every student and cheaper food options.

He added that rents in university halls included bills and were lower than similar private sector accommodation, with increases in 2022-23 between 1.5% and 6%.

He said: “We will do everything we can to support students who are unable to pay their rent and urge anyone struggling to speak to us as soon as possible. We are not currently aware of any students refusing to pay their rent but are aware of recent online comments made by a small number of campaigners.”

Dutch farmers battle technocratic forces driving them into oblivion

Dutch farmers battle technocratic forces driving them into oblivion

https://thegrayzone.com/2022/12/08/dutch-farmers-technocratic-plan/

Nash Landesman – December 8, 2022

Dutch farmers are in open struggle against a cartel of multinational corporations, Davos-aligned parties and NGOs seeking control over the global food supply. They are sweeping the culture from the land, a farmer laments.

HEERENVEEN, NETHERLANDS The Netherlands is a patchwork of quaint towns and cities interwoven with flat expanses of immaculately-kept green agricultural pasture. The road and rail infrastructure are near-flawless. You could search for weeks without finding a pothole. It is one of the most expensive countries in the world, and makes some of the best steak, cheese, yogurt and milk on the planet. The land is fertile, valuable, and strategically located with easy access to the north Atlantic coast. So, for these reasons and more, legions of committees composed of unelected, largely unknown figures serving on the boards of an interwoven network of even lesser known private and multilateral bodies, insists on seizing it all, on account of saving the planet from its deadliest enemy: man himself. Their target: the Dutch farmer. They are slowly killing us with regulation, one farmer told The Grayzone. It is death by a thousand paper-cuts, or The Art of War by the modern technocrat.

First, some background: Holland exports the most food on earth, behind only America, on a landmass roughly the size of Indiana. Farmers the world over come to study Dutch techniques. The country embraces whats known as the Mansholt theorya philosophy of ensuring food security and self-sufficiency that emerged from the second world war as a response to Nazi-imposed famine. To stave-off a similar tragedy, Dutch agriculture embraces the Haber-Bosch process, a method of infusing fertilizer with nitrogen to increase yield efficiency. Invented in the early 1900s by a pair of Nobel Prize-winning chemists, Haber-Bosch is responsible for the existence of half the worlds population today (and is known in Malthusian circles as the detonator of the population explosion), thanks to its ability to grow more food on less land.

But now global bodies like the World Banks Climate Smart Agriculture program, the UNs protected area initiatives, the European Commission and armies of well-funded NGOs are executing a wholly-comprehensive platform targeting Dutch farmers restricting both organic and artificial fertilizer use while asserting biodiversity protection as the pretext for snatching land from the productive.

Dutch farmers, in protest, have driven tractors to the Hague, tossed flaming trash onto the roads and sprayed manure across government buildings.

Its worth reemphasizing that the Dutch government is carrying out the same radical experiment conducted in Sri Lanka earlier this year eliminating nitrogen-based fertilizer, the basis of modern survival. In the southeast Asian country, it led to a famine that toppled the government. The Sri Lankan disaster fronted a simple premise: replace something with nothing. And to eliminate Russian gas from the geopolitical scene. The Colombo declaration, signed in Colombo, Sri Lanka, in 2019, celebrated the end of food security and sovereignty, offering in its place a model for import-dependency and agricultural destruction now being imposed on the Dutch.

They are sweeping the culture from the land, says Sieta Van Keimpema, a sturdy 6-foot Dutchwoman in her 50s with short, wavy black hair. She is head of the European Milk Board, and leader of the Dutch farmers de-facto political arm, Farmers Defense Force (FDF).

Our government has made laws and laws that put us in a corner that you cannot come back from, she says. If people cannot put food on the table you get riots. You get an unstable society. I dont see the benefits to this. Her group, Farmers Defense Force, is characterized as vigilante populist heroes by some; and as troublemakers responsible for sparking the protests by others. FDF originated after environmental activists, Meat the Victims, forcefully occupied a pig farm in a small Dutch town in 2019. Instead of taking action, police sent in negotiators, prolonging the ordeal. FDF subsequently created a Bat Signal whereby farmers can call on a special WhatsApp group to rally others to come to the rescue.

When they arent producing food, members can be found battling Brussels or butting heads in the Hague. We have a government spending 25 billion euros to reduce agricultural production, Sieta says, confirming official policy. According to heavily-redacted European Commission documents, the goal is terminating farms through overregulation, deploying mandatory buyouts if necessary.

Official justifications are not up for debate. Take some of the most insulting regulations, made in the name of flood prevention, a puzzle the Dutch have solved since the countrys inception, erecting dykes, walls, levies and canals to build a civilization out of the oceans (as half of Holland lies below sea-level). In its green manifesto, the Dutch Environmental Assessment Agency preaches that more radical policies are needed, particularly for flood protectionThe main emphasis is on the planet dimensiona Netherlands that is more sustainable and Future-Proof. Accordingly, some computer models predict with 80% certainty a sea-level rise of 20 meters within the next century, after having risen 2 cm across the last one.

A related justification is that nitrogen leakage caused by agriculture makes Dutch tap water undrinkable, and so farming must be eliminated. The reality is that Hollands tap water was awarded second best on the continent by the European Water Awards; behind Austria, in a debatable placement. Dutch drinking water is so crisp and clean, it almost makes Evian taste like toilet sludge. The real problem: Holland is 50% composed of mostly independently-owned agricultural operations, and they occupy prime real-estate.

The Dutch environmental report further seems to justify what many have been speculating: The inflow of foreign migrants [caused in no small part by U.S. wars] feeds the need for expansion, calling for the elimination of 300,000 hectares of farmland between now and 2040. This will be initiated by the conversion of agricultural land into nature conservation areas, without irony. Additionally, rich people need second homes, since it is assumed that families with a high income will opt to live in green areas. Dutch households display a marked preference for single-family homes with a garden. The Dutch concept of the ideal home will shift, possibly in the direction of gated communities, [and] more second home ownership.

To nobodys surprise, housing developers subsidized by the government and working with the Society for Preservation of Nature Monuments in the Netherlands, have already begun to erect houses in protected areas, on lands wrested from farmers.

In the Netherlands around 800,000 people work in agriculture. If you reduce half the sector theres not critical mass anymore to continue, Sieta explains. The big dairies need a certain amount of milk to have a viable cost priceI think we are the only country in the world that has a minister of nitrogenwho really doesnt know what shes talking about. She admitted I really dont know what Im saying. I say, go home, because what shes doing is destroying a whole sector.

Meanwhile, many farmers have reached consensus about the forces they believe to be behind the attack on their livelihoods.

Left-wing parties like Democrats 66, which promises, well be working towards reducing the cattle population by half, are very close to Klaus Schwab, Sieta says. They go to Davos and dont deny it. Its a fact that the WEF [World Economic Forum/Davos Group] is pushing legislation that isnt decided in a democratic way. If you comment on that, as I did in the meeting, the civil servants get really aggressive. The Netherlands is pushing legislation that has never been discussed in the parliament. Mention that the air is comprised of 85% nitrogen, and youre slammed as a climate denier.

The D for democracy has become dictation. They have no shame, Sieta says. The government has given an enormous subsidy to artificial meat; lab meat, and theyre calling it future food. But Im not going to eat insects. Im going to eat beef and chicken. The bottom line, according to Sieta: They produce hot air, we produce food on the tableThey dont want innovation, they want buyouts.

Indeed, Hollands world-famous agricultural innovation hub, Wageningen University, the Stanford /Silicon Valley of farming, has ceased developing techniques that help farmers. Instead theyre now focused on producing bugs for human consumption. The World Economic Forum promote this agenda with ads featuring Hollywood stars like Nicole Kidman chomping down on a bowl of crickets, putting an Aussie-accented celebrity glow on a grim and deeply disturbing future.

The farmers have seen what is happening with the World Economic Forum, with Bill Gates, etcthats why they are so active, Sieta adds. They know that what they are fighting is a very strong lobby of multinationals who really want to control food. After the war we decided we should never have hunger again, to produce as much food as possible and to use nitrogen and fertilizer to do it. But now they are pushing an agenda very similar to what Hitler wanted. If you control food then you control everything.

The Dutch government has teamed up with pools of private capital and NGOs linked to international institutions to mobilize over $25 billion to terminate Dutch farmers. One group in particular strikes fear into the heart of farmers: the relentless, racketeering eco-lobby, MOBilization for the Environment, known as MOB.

We have MOB. When we go to court we lose because of legislation; the provinces will fight the MOB. MOB is fighting the provinces, Sieta says. It all started in may 2019 when the court decided our program for nitrogen was not good. They made us guinea pigs, like in Sri Lanka.

MOB has a superpower: to sniff-out any leeway that a Dutch provincial government may be offering to a farmer to aid in his survival, and to sue that government into imposing more rules, harsher restrictions, tighter regulations until his existence is terminated.

Mainline Dutch media called MOBs leader, Johan Vollenbroek, the most hated man in the Netherlands by some. And on the groups dominance over recent nitrogen negations:  MOB is of course not in charge; the cabinet will eventually have to make the decision. But MOB and a number of other nature organizations do have an important means of pressure: lawsuits. In recent years they have carried hundreds of them and very often the judges proved them right.

MOBs mandate runs from the petty theyll sue to reject a single farms grazing application to the grandiose, setting new and major national legal precedents, like revamping the countrys entire nitrogen program in 2019. Governments fear them. Farmers cannot stop them. And this is how Vollenbroek supposedly spends his retirement. Of course he is likely an agent of those who wrote the treaties to begin with.

While Vollenbroek applauds the fact that five Dutch farms are destroyed each day, he also argues that more work is needed to be done. Vollenbroek receives death threats and lives most of the time in France, according to reports. Dutch royalty, the Order of Orange-Nassau, has even knighted Vollenbroek for his efforts against farming. He is not a lawyer. Nor an activist. He is a corporate chemical engineer and somehow a treaty expert who consults EU nations on how to override their own laws in obedience to a galaxy of global treaties written over three decades ago at the 1991 Rio Earth Summit. Every country has its own versions of such groups built-into the framework of the global system: inside-experts posing as environmentalists to enforce or extend vaguely-written treaties for the sake of opportunistic exploitation, fulfilling geopolitical goals and long-term plans. But in Holland, MOB has a track record for setting anti-farming precedents that stick.

As Vollenbroek stated, Once youve concluded a treaty, you cant just break it open and negotiate againThe livestock population simply has to be drastically reduced, a large number of farmers have to stop There is no alternative.

MOB is responsible for revoking thousands of Dutch farming permits in court. According to part of MOBs lengthly mission statement/public manifesto, translated from Dutch:

I am ashamed to be Dutch. Time is running out, especially for the people of the rich countries, to open their eyes to a disturbing truth: we have colonized the future. The Netherlands has become a developing country in terms of environmental sustainability. The pariah of Europe.

It is on this basis that MOB has singled out farmers as the main source of the nations supposed environmental problems. They have been ringing this same alarm bell for thirty years now, ever since the group was founded in the early 1990s. And yet somehow, the Netherlands still stands.

Four Dutch farmers

Johan/Paula: Theyve left us with no room to move into the future

From an environmental perspective, no country on earth could be less environmentally menacing than Holland.

Near the Dutch town of Emmen, along the German border, Johan and his wife Paula struggle to survive as 5th generation dairy farmers. Milk runs through my veins, Johan says, standing with his hands on his hips, smoking a hand-rolled cigarette out back behind his shabby house. Home is where the cows are. Yet Johans down-home wisdom and minimalistic way of life are being eradicated, as his wife, Paula, chimes in: They are slowly killing us with more rules and regulations. Theyve left us with no room to move into the future.

The family plan to flee to Ireland where they perceive climate regulation to be less stringent. Their children, enrolled in agricultural school, will not be able to inherit the family farm as intended. Under a new Dutch law, once you stop farming, you and your entire kin are forever banned from farming in the Netherlands again.

The family is not being offered a buyout because their land falls within a so-called protected area, making it illegal to milk cows or perform agricultural activity under the EU/World Banks GEF (Global Environmental Facility) Natura 2000 treaty. They are also forbidden from planting corn until late fall, when the crop is no longer viable.

There is a push pull dynamic that offers farmers some breathing room, provided they can pay for it. You can buy carbon and phosphate offset rights, giving the rich a chance to prosper in the new green economy. But every time they make an allowance, they take it back, Paula says, pointing to the Dutch governments recent encouragement of farmers to build specialized, $100,000 mechanical barn floors to separate fecal matter from urine (thus reducing ammonia).

The floor allowance held up briefly, with farmers taking out huge loans to build them. But soon enough, the litigious MOB came and argued it wasnt good enough, Johan says. They won the court battle. If you pay the MOB enough money they will back off. Thats why theyre called the mob, after all, he laughs.

The government has already snatched a parcel of his familys property due to its being within 30 meters of a protected watershed. Soon its going to be 40 meters, then 400, Paula says. Eventually they will take everything.

Nelly: There have been many suicides. People get sick and ill and depressed.

In the Friesian town of Hoogeveen, resides Nelly, a 73-year-old champion horse-breeder and dairy farmer. She says she is tired of fighting both breast cancer and overregulation. Nelly receives regular control checks by bureaucrats visiting her farm up to five times a week, ensuring her withering operation abide by increasingly unrealistic standards. They check for everything. Ear tags, manure, cows, your yard. Now you need a permit to mow grass between stones, which is totally crazy since it has nothing to do with dairy farming.

Her farm requires an endless array of new permits just to function, and everything she does is tracked. The cows have the ear tags and the horses have a transponder under their skin, registered in the system. The government wants to know where everything is, so if a horse has to go to a training stable, we have to put it in the computer so they can see, she says, pointing to an Excel sheet on her laptop. They make the rules stronger and stronger. It gets harder and harder to survive. Soon, Nelly surmises, we will need a permit to ride our own horses. Things are heading in that direction. The weeds between boulders in her front yard have grown unwieldy, as Nelly has not yet received her renewed mowing permit for the year.

The irony, of course, as Nelly explains, is that the government says we need to get rid of the farmers, that we need nature; but if they send the farmers away then it will be one big mess. We do not only milk cows, but we keep our pastures and the forest in good condition. Everything is kept neat by the farmers.

Nellys farm is emptier than usual, due to a new law stating that you can keep no more than 1.5 cows per hectare, an impossibly small number down from four. The regulation favoring large landowners has already cost Nelly a third of her cows.

We have to sell 17 cows out of 55 and a heifer counts as two, she says. We live in the middle of a forest and have only a few hectares out front so we cannot use pasture, but we have loads of land. If we dont give it up, they take it away from our milking money. They know how to find you.

The nature of the project is not lost on Nelly. Holland wants to be the best little boy out of the class, she says. We start with this nonsense and the other countries are following. They are now talking about nitrogen, phosphates.

Simply put, they just draw a map and say how many cows should go there. You are not allowed to spread manure, even organic. There have been many suicides. People get sick and ill and depressed. What people do not understand is that farming is a way of life.

Nellys farm is deemed insufficient nature by the UN/World Banks development plan, its return to nature ethos embodied in a program called re-wilding, under which it is illegal to harm predators. So, last month, wolves ate four of Nellys cows, including one calf, and bit one of her prized filly horses in the leg, forcing Nelly to put it down. Shoot a deadly wolf, go to jail. Thats just the way things go around here.

Jos: Theres nothing scientific about it whatever.

Still, other farmers remain defiant. We will win, asserts a rangy, 67, thirty-something Jos Ubels, standing on his beef cattle ranch in denim overalls, his face and arms covered in dirt and mud and grime. Jos makes no apologies, offering a simple critique of the governments policies: Its hideous, its crazy what theyre imposing. Theres nothing logical about it. Mr. Ubels cows live better than many people. They are free to graze in the sun most of the time, before it all ends in one bad day.

As Jos explains, They dont want nitrogen because certain specific plants hate nitrogen; they only grow on poor soils, so they want the soil to be poor. And they are saying that the farmers are causing the soil to get richer. So, if youre farming more effectively than what is allowed, youre in trouble.

Official logic is reason inverted: The growth of obscure plants supersedes food production.

The threat posed by nitrogen, a gas that returns to the ground to feed nutrients in the soil, is grossly overstated if not wholly fictitious. As Jos notes: Its stupid because nitrogen is actually circular. In farming its absorbed back into the soil. But they only take into account the output. And they use flawed computer models to calculate this. Theres nothing scientific about it whatsoever.

Across the West, as we have seen with wildly inaccurate Covid predictions, flawed computer models have become a stand-in for science, not a supplement to it. But this is about politics, so those on the take are indifferent to reason, let alone to the fate of Dutch agriculture.

If you have people who live on the government payroll, they dont have to produce anything, says Jos. They can just dream all day about idealistic solutions for problems that dont exist. If you ask them about real problems, they say its not our problem and they dont have a solution. Everything is the fault of the farmers.

Compounding the crisis confronting the farmers is a massive, growing fertilizer shortage. Within 1 or 2 months there will be no fertilizer in Europe, Jos predicts, So you can try to buy it but you cant find any. They are using the last of what they have in store. The price is 100x higher than it used to be. This will create a crisis because the demand is very high and there will be nothing left in stock. We need fertilizer but there is no production and no import because the biggest importer was Russia. Theres not enough gas.

He adds that the government still buys the very same Russian gas, only these days through middle-men at huge markups on the spot market.

The WEF [World Economic Forum] is radically trying to change the world, Jos notes. And their front man Klaus Schwab says in the end you will own nothing. The funny thing is that he will own everything. The rules they are coming up with are sick. Thats why you see the upside-down flags, its a sign of distress. Its to show the people of the Netherlands dont support this.

Unfortunately, it seems the environmental lawyers of the mobilization for the environment (MOB) have the know-how (and funding) to routinely defend anti-farming laws successfully in court.

Our government made some stupid laws. So for a smart lawyer from MOB, they know how to break down the laws because they are not very well constructed. And they do this on a regular basis. The government already lost four cases against them, and had to invent new laws. So theyre getting scared to fight MOB. When they have a problem, like with farming, they dont ask the farmers how to solve it. They ask MOB because the farmers do not get high-priced lawyers to fight the law. MOB has a key position because the government is not smart enough.

The question: how much longer can such an assault go on? If people are fed you can keep them happy so long as you have a good story, says Jos. But if they are getting hungry then the government will lose everything. In the first week, people cant buy anything; by the 2nd week they start complaining. By the third week they go to the Hague and rip the people out of office. Decades ago we decided as a nation that we want to have good agriculture. Now we have perfect agriculture and they want to shut it down. I think the roads will burn again.

Despite exceeding previously-set climate goals, the state is imposing even more stringent restrictions on Dutch farmers.

As even OECD admits, Environmental agreements, which are more or less binding substitutes for regulation, have been successful in a number of areas in the Netherlands; the European Commission concurring, Monitoring data show a downward trend in nitrate concentration in groundwater. Nevertheless, Implementation of environmental agreements should be accompanied more systematically by transparency mechanisms and the threat of penalties for farmers. (And its list of demands runs on for hundreds of pages, extending far beyond the scope of nature).

The farmer shall accept that the fertilizer application and account can be subject to control. Periodic nitrogen and phosphorus analysis in soil shall be performed for each farm. A fertilization account shall be kept for each farmland. It shall be submitted to the competent authority for each calendar year

It seems that nothing Dutch farmers can do will be adequate. We have a million less cows than in 1991 when [the global environmental treaty] Natura 2000 came, because of protected areas [where agriculture is forbidden or restricted], Sieta says. We already reduced 70 percent of emissions, a marked improvement confirmed by OECD as being insufficient. But a lot of politicians want an end to dairy. They say ammonia from animals is the worst thing that can happen.

So whats to replace food-production? One more stated plan, far-fetched as it might seem in the midst of Europes energy crisis, is to build a new kind of metropolis, a megacity encompassing parts of Holland, Germany and Belgium, called the Tristate-City.

The Tristate-City website brands the project as Europes new super-cityan organically green network metropol where urban and rural space remain in balance. Details are sparse, but the planners wholeheartedly promise: This model has no relation whatsoever with the nitrogen policy of the Dutch government!

‘Do you work in business?’ Sunak mocked for ‘excruciating’ Christmas exchange with homeless man

Rishi Sunak branded ‘out of touch’ as video shows him asking homeless man if he ‘works in business’

‘Do you work in business?’ Sunak mocked for ‘excruciating’ exchange with homeless man

Policy editor – Sat 24 Dec 2022

Rishi Sunak has been criticised over an awkward exchange with a homeless person while volunteering at a soup kitchen in front of television cameras.

The prime minister visited a shelter on Friday, where after a brief exchange he asked the man whether he worked in business. The man replied that he was homeless. Sunak then discussed his background in the finance industry and asked if it would be something the man would “like to get in to”.

The man replied: “I wouldn’t mind, but I don’t know, I’d like to get through Christmas first.”

He explained that he hoped a charity would find him some temporary accommodation so he was not on the street for Christmas.

Labour’s deputy leader, Angela Rayner, described the exchange as excruciating, and the Labour MP Stella Creasy said: “Watching this I am concerned that the prime minister thinks homeless means ‘doesn’t have a country pile at the moment’.”

Sunak used the trip to outline that the government had pledged £2bn to tackle homelessness and rough sleeping over three years.

The Gatekeeper: George Monbiot’s Multi-Level Marketing of Ecomodernism… but where’s the evidence?

The environmental debate in Britain is maintained by a few unaccountable figures elevated to the role of eco-gate-keepers – which is why the ecological debate fails to make any real progress

 

Page bookmarks

(Use Hotkey & ‘number’ to jump to that section)

  1. MLM: ‘Through a glass, darkly’
  2. George Monbiot’s ‘accuracy problem’
  3. Ecomodernism’s ‘data problem’
  4. George’s fallacies on fermentation
  5. Conclusion: If ecomodernism’s tinkering has failed, it suggests that their model is wrong

 

We should be holding the political establishment’s feet to the wild-fire on ecological issues. Instead, a handful of ‘reformers’, promoting schemes or proposals which don’t radically up-end the ideological landscape, are given preferential access to the public debate; to peddle, ‘multi-level marketing-style’, demonstrably wrong ideas about how to solve the ecological crisis. How do we hold these media-constructed pundits, who claim to represent our interests, to account? It’s all about the evidence.

 

download the PDF version of ‘The Meta-Blog’ No.24: ‘George Monbiot’s Multi-Level Marketing of Ecomodernism’, 4th December 2022
download the PDF version of this post

This is a necessarily long and detailed dive into the role ‘green pundits’ have in the ecological debate – and whether that role is truly representative given the available evidence. To be clear, this isn’t just about George Monbiot specifically. By its nature, this also a discussion about the overwhelming class divide1 in the ‘English’ environmental movement2 (since it’s the London-centric English media and campaign groups which dominate this space).

As a Guardian columnist3, George Monbiot essentially states opinion, not facts. The problem is, in the public debate which then ensues from those opinions, his narrowly focussed articles are cited as if what is said were wholly true – when in fact the wider evidence base is being strategically ignored.

Monbiot is not alone: I could equally cite journalists such as David Shukman; ideological media constructs such as ‘Countryfile’4; pundits like Mark Lynas; or ‘green’ entrepreneurs such as Dale Vince. As these figures overwhelmingly embody the affluent middle class values5 of the establishment, that debate not only downplays the trends6 which are the result of that lifestyle; but also fails to connect to the people who stand to benefit7 the most from this debate – the ‘average’ person8 living within the increasingly precarious9 UK economy.

Instead, what passes for10 ‘radicalism’ in English environmentalism are groups like Extinction Rebellion or Just Stop Oil. But these groups are not ‘radical’11: They are once again dominated by the middle class; their metropolitan focus alienates them12 from the rest of Britain; and they have no specific project other than that governments ‘tell the truth’13 and take action14 on climate change.

Therein, like the media’s green pundits, the groups considered to be ‘radicals’ in the public debate are ‘statist’15: Their unwillingness to look beyond the ideology, structures, and lifestyle created by Western affluence and consumption, cannot encompass – in terms of it’s original meaning of, ‘from the roots’16 – any truly radical solution to the ecological crisis.

MLM: ‘Through a glass, darkly’

That preface made, we come to the reason for this article: There are subtle changes in ‘green’ lobbying taking place, driven by changes in the media.

In the 1990s I was an elected director of Friends of the Earth at an auspicious moment17. ‘Green’ had gone mainstream18, and the pressure was on to drop any ‘hair shirted’ ideas19 for ecological change: Not only to ride that media machine to get coverage; but also to soak-up the cash sloshing around from government and corporate interests desperate to greenwash20 their image. I opposed the idea, and ‘green consumerism’21 in general; but the pressure from the staff of nearly all mainstream campaign groups was to ‘take the money’, because of the access and influence that it promised.

Three decades on and that approach has clearly failed22 – and arguably has diluted the movement’s influence23 within the ‘noise’ created around these issues. More recently, though, this process has shifted, reflecting the economic pressures on the ‘legacy media’24, driven by the new on-line/social influencer ‘multi-level marketing’25 (MLM) machine.

As green issues have matured against that ‘background noise’ of the ecological crisis; and as government inaction has shifted to the lackadaisical definition of targets, quotas, and especially subsidies; the pressures for environmentalists26 to promote certain issues has shifted from one of ‘making change’, to promoting ‘a business plan’27. In part the result of neoliberal values infiltrating all levels of society, ‘green’ ideas have ceased to be28 an advocacy for political action. Instead they advocate for one infrastructure plan or another which seeks to ‘green’ the modern lifestyle – without changing it.

This position was openly articulated by Jonathon Porritt29 – one of those most directly responsible for ejecting radical thinking from first the Green Party, then Friends of the Earth. In his 2005 book, ‘Capitalism as if the World Matters’30, he states:

‘I Want To Believe (in wind power)’

“Incremental change is the name of the game, not transformation. And that, of course, means that the emerging solutions have to be made to work within the embrace of capitalism. Like it or not, capitalism is now the only economic game in town… For fear, perhaps, of arriving at a different conclusion, there is an unspoken (and largely untested) assumption that there need be no fundamental contradiction between sustainable development and capitalism.”

(my emphasis in bold)

As ‘regulation’, let alone ‘limits’ or ‘prohibition’ becomes a dirty word in the skewed-to-the-right media environment, so ecological issues are expected to perform within the processes of the corporate world. This is the environment which has spawned, ‘ecomodernism’31.

George Monbiot’s ‘accuracy problem’

The basis for most discussions about ‘future change’ today, is ‘stasis’: Proposals do not challenge ‘business as usual’32, which is why the ideas being publicly debated seek to preserve the core of the way things are. This is the contradictory paradigm within which George Monbiot33 is trapped.

I specifically use the word, ‘trapped’: If he moved out of that niche I’m sure he would lose that media profile. He is permitted to perform that role in the media environment precisely because of the values he advocates, not because of the veracity of the ideas he promotes. It is his own, personal cost-benefit exercise that he chooses to occupy that role – but that doesn’t mean it is evidentially correct.

‘Comforting Lies vs. Unpleasant Truths’

I first bumped into George Monbiot at events in Oxford, and on roads protests, in the early 1990s. We occasionally corresponded, but that ended when he gave support to nuclear power in the late 2000s. Or to be more precisely, I kept trying to advance the alternative case and he simply refused to respond – even when we met in public.

These days, when I publicly challenge his assumptions he never responds. He also blocks people on social media who query his work.

The difficulties with The Guardian – the largest remaining allegedly ‘politically liberal’ broadsheet within Britain’s right-biased media – have been growing for some time. Recent campaigns to ‘dump The Guardian’34, and high-profile resignations35, have called into question the quality of their reporting. Once again, this highlights both the intellectual boundaries within which George Monbiot operates, and the ‘conformity’ those pressures may apply to the subjects he covers.

His columns in The Guardian are sparsely sourced, and sometimes factually flawed. My last ‘public’ deconstruction36 of one of his columns was published in May 2020 – when he attacked the then recently released film, ‘Planet of the Humans’37.

At the time I published a short blog post, which had been extracted from a twenty page complaint (with forty references, mostly to academic journals and official data sources) which I wrote to The Guardian’s ‘Reader’s Editor’38. I never received an acknowledgement… despite sending it twice!

Critical of Michael Moore, the structural flaw in that article was the fallacy of ‘affirming the consequent’39: It suggested that as right-wing climate deniers liked Michael Moore’s new film; then the position that Moore depicted must be friendly to climate denial too. In reality, many ‘anti-greens’ didn’t like40 the film’s message. The reason they talked-up the film was precisely because its message made liberal environmentalists feel uncomfortable.

The article attacked the film’s assertion that photovoltaic (PV) panels produce little energy once the manufacturing costs41 are considered – stating that, “On average, a solar panel generates 26 units of solar energy for every unit of fossil energy required to build and install it”. It would appear he hadn’t read his source42, which stated those statistics could not be quoted in that context because it would under-estimate the impacts of PV by 30% to 250%.

In that paragraph he also attacks the film-makers statement that, “You use more fossil fuels to do this than you’re getting benefit from it. You would have been better off just burning fossil fuels in the first place.” That quote has been taken out of context. That statement is not about solar PV, or wind power; it’s about the gas-fired Ivanpah Solar Array45 – a wholly different type of technology to PV.

Graph of electricity generation in the USA, 2010-2019.
Analysis of electricity generation in USA from my May 2020 blog post36: The statistics from the USA43 demonstrate that the scenario shown in the film is correct.

The article then goes on to state, “Planet of the Humans also claims that you can’t reduce fossil fuel use through renewable energy: coal is instead being replaced by gas.” Unfortunately that is precisely what the official energy statistics in the USA show is happening (see graph, right). From 2010 to 2019, as old coal-fired plants were retired, they were replaced with new, larger gas-fired plants using the large quantities of fracked natural gas being produced at that time. There is also academic research46 to back-up the point made in the film.

The article then goes on to state that, “in the third quarter of 2019, renewables in the UK generated more electricity than coal, oil and gas plants put together. As a result of the switch to renewables in this country, the amount of fossil fuel used for power generation has halved since 2010.”

That statement is a manipulation of objective fact:

The ‘third-quarter’ is late Summer, when power demand is at its lowest and solar hits maximum. It’s not representative of average demand and supply.

Graph of electricity generation in the UK, 2010-2019.
Analysis of electricity generation in UK from my May 2020 blog post36: The statistics from the UK44 show the percentage growth of renewable power is more influenced by the collapse in electricity demand rather than the increase in renewable generation capacity.

More significantly though, what’s been dominating energy trends in Britain has been the collapse of electricity demand (see graph, right). That is in part the result of austerity choking growth, and especially heavy industries, such as metals and chemicals, moving off-shore. Those effects are far more significant than new renewable capacity in cutting fossil fuel use – but that doesn’t even merit a mention.

Especially over 2015/16, much of the retired coal-fired capacity was matched by natural gas, not new renewable capacity. And the fact electricity demand shrank by a over a fifth from 2010 to 2019 means that in percentage terms – without adding a single wind turbine or solar panel – the proportion of renewable energy would have increased anyway.

The article then introduces the most toxic argument47 which ecomodernists promote to silence opposition: Accusations of Malthusian ‘population control’ – where again the film is misquoted:

“The film offers only one concrete solution to our predicament: the most toxic of all possible answers. ‘We really have got to start dealing with the issue of population without seeing some sort of major die-off in population, there’s no turning back.’”

That ellipsis – the ‘…’ highlighted above: That’s not skipping a few words or a sentence; it skips about 80 seconds of discussions. In running those statements together, it completely ignores the context within which each was made – specifically, the issue regarding the use of energy in agriculture.

‘Run down’

The article then concludes this section by stating:

“High consumption is concentrated in countries where population growth is low… When wealthy people, such as Moore and Gibbs, point to this issue without the necessary caveats, they are saying, in effect, ‘it’s not Us consuming, it’s Them breeding.’ It’s not hard to see why the far right loves this film”.

I challenge The Guardian’s editors to find any point in the transcript of the film where this is implied – and to listen to the “caveats” about rich-nation’s consumption which were made throughout the film. In fact, during that ‘ellipsis’ where Monbiot omits what is discussed, it is stated, “We have to have our abilities to consume reigned in, because we’re not good at reigning them in if there are seemingly unrestrained resources”.

George Monbiot is not promoting an objective, evidence-based view of our predicament. He is promoting an ideological, idealised vision where the affluent states can continue their current lifestyle by adopting new and more efficient technologies – a sort of ecological, “have your cake and eat it too”.

That’s not a problem: Objectively, I’m doing the same, too, by making these observations – albeit from a radically different perspective.

What we need to pursue is why George Monbiot, apparently willingly: Misquotes what is said in a film to cast slurs about right-wing conspiracies; uses academic research in a manner that is specifically excluded by its authors; misrepresents official energy statistics to imply something they do not show; and thus, overall, denies what a large body of research evidence now demonstrates to be a fair assessment of our ecological predicament.

Ecomodernism’s ‘data problem’

First advanced by figures such as Stewart Brand48, Kevin Kelly49, and Amory Lovins50, ‘ecomodernism’ came out of the American environmental movement in the 1980s proposing a simple idea: The only way to beat the destructive business process is to ‘do business’ better than they can, in an ecological way; the assumption being that higher efficiency would enable economic competition due to higher productivity, and hence profitability.

Though there are various manifestos51 and institutes52, ‘ecomodernism’ is not a coherent group. It represents a spectrum of ideas stretching from: The loosely ecological (e.g. George Monbiot); to progress-obsessed techno-Utopians (e.g. Mark Lynas53); to ideologically right-wing libertarians (e.g. Michael Shellenberger54); to corporate-oriented eco-technocrats (e.g. Jonathan Symons55).

Generally, though, ecomodernism is heavily influenced by liberal economic theory: The idea of free, globalised markets; a reliance on technological innovation and efficiency, to drive down impacts while driving up productivity; the maintenance of property rights; and moreover, an unquestioning adherence to the economic hegemony of the ‘Western lifestyle’ – and the need to perpetuate the affluence and material consumption that lifestyle demands.

This is where ecomodernism hits the reality of the ecological crisis. For all their protestations, basically ‘the thermodynamics says no’56. In particular:

  • Energy efficiency57 is not open-ended – it is a one-time saving, after which wholly new technologies must be invented, or systems significantly changed – and in general it is a diminishing return with fixed theoretical limits, where each improvement saves less-and-less;
  • The heart of this idea is ‘decoupling’58 – the assumption that the use of technology can break the link between human lifestyles and their ecological impact – which currently has no strong evidence59 to support it;
  • As with neoliberal ideology in general, ecomodernism will not accept strong ‘ecological limits’60 – despite the fact recent research confirms that after 50 years61 the ‘Limits to Growth’62 study is still on-track63; and
  • They do not consider the embodied footprint64 of their activities on resource depletion and pollution65 – and often invoke the quasi-mystical power of ‘innovation’ to solve that without proof of its feasibility.

Perhaps the area where the ignorance of ecomodernism reigns supreme is in the area of energy resources. It is assumed that we can simply turn-off fossil fuels and switch-on ‘clean’ renewables:

For the strongly technocratic end of the ecomodernist spectrum that transition is innately connected to nuclear power – despite the fact there’s not enough uranium66 to do this (they argue that there’s more than enough uranium in sea water67, despite the fact this process has yet to be commercialised, and has questionable economics68).

For the strongly ecological end of ecomodernism that transition is connected to the use of “100% renewable energy”69 – despite the growing evidence to show that there are insufficient mineral resources70, and complex barriers71, to construct the scale of infrastructure required to replace the ‘energy service’ of fossil fuels.

When I give lectures, this is the point where people are often confused: If the highly technological solution to climate change is not possible, and the renewable solution to climate change is not possible, then what option is there?

The fact people commonly ask this question demonstrates why George Monbiot, and the other ecomodernists pundits in the media, have become an obstruction to the ecological debate.

There is an entire movement around degrowth72, and the ‘simplification’73 of human lifestyles, which is not currently being referenced within the UK media debate. It challenges74 the implicit bias of mainstream environmentalism: It entails reducing material affluence, and tackling the excesses of consuming lifestyles through the national and global redistribution of resources.

Take, for example, electric cars: The media debate is presented as a divide between ‘petrol heads’ and ‘affluent green consumers’ – but neither side ever enters in to a discussion to justify maintaining the ‘private car’ as the priority for moving around.

In 2020, the Climate Change Committee75 (CCC) canvassed opinion on electric vehicles. An expert panel assembled by the Natural History Museum told the CCC76 that:

‘Forward to Progress’

“To replace all UK-based vehicles today with electric vehicles, assuming they use the most resource-frugal next-generation NMC 811 batteries, would take 207,900 tonnes cobalt, 264,600 tonnes of lithium carbonate, at least 7,200 tonnes of neodymium and dysprosium, in addition to 2,362,500 tonnes copper. This represents, just under two times the total annual world cobalt production, nearly the entire world production of neodymium, three quarters the world’s lithium production and 12% of the world’s copper production during 2018. Even ensuring the annual supply of electric vehicles only, from 2035 as pledged, will require the UK to annually import the equivalent of the entire annual cobalt needs of European industry.”

Mineral resources are a significant barrier. And the CCC’s response to this critical issue, being spelled-out by Britain’s pre-eminent geological institute was… silence. A briefing77 they published later doesn’t even mention the issue.

Put that case differently: A grid-powered trolleybus moves passengers many-times more efficiently than multiple battery-powered cars. So where is ‘the lobby’ for the elimination of cars? It does exist78, but gets little media coverage as it challenges the dominant assumptions of the consumer lifestyle – in this case, the primacy of the ‘private car’.

Renewable energy and green technologies, such as electric cars, are dependent upon mass electrification; and as a result, a huge expansion79 in metal production using resources80 which have a finite, limited supply. There is also growing evidence that the extraction of those resources across the globe could be especially damaging to biodiversity 81.

Some of these metals – such as copper, cobalt, or rare earths – are so limited that they are a barrier to a ‘Green New Deal’-type plan82; and the energy return of renewable technologies will continually fall83 in the future, as these metals deplete, as the energy used in their extraction84 increases. Even if we ‘innovate’, such as swapping lithium with sodium85 in batteries, trace amounts of rare earths and other metals are still required; and the yet to be invented nano-technologies proposed as substitutes have an uncertain efficiency or efficacy.

How then can groups promoting the ‘Green New Deal’ – such as the ‘Zero Carbon Britain’86 (ZCB) – advocate 100% renewable energy without also advising of the resource or pollution risks inherent in that project? The reason, from my own experience arguing with ZCB for over a decade, is they just ignore them: They ignore them because ‘people in power’ – like the CCC – don’t want to hear them, and so they exclude them from their considerations.

What is certain is that while a segment of the globally affluent may be able to scrape a carbon-free lifestyle, there are not sufficient resources to allow everyone else87 on the planet to consume in that way. And the over-riding reliance on a single metric to judge progress – carbon emissions – is leading to a willing ignorance over both the global pollution, resource depletion, or biodiversity loss, that would result from such a ‘green’ future.

George’s fallacies on fermentation

Firstly, as others have demanded my opinion on this recently, do I think that George Monbiot is being funded by corporate interests to talk about precision fermentation?

I really don’t think that matters at all! Whether he’s being funded or not doesn’t change the underlying technical arguments; and to raise that as an issue distracts from the evidence for why he is wrong. Motive is not the issue here; the issue is evidence.

Let’s address the big issue first: Technically there is no ‘food production’ crisis!

As George Monbiot commented in his interview with Owen Jones88, world hunger is rising – now probably extending to a billion people or more, including in the most developed states. That last part is the critical issue: The reason people in affluent states skip meals is the same reason those in poor states die of malnutrition – it’s an issue of allocation, not production.

The reasons for world hunger89 and malnutrition in both poor and rich states are variously, depending upon the location, the result of:

  • Economic inequality;
  • Climate change;
  • Conflict or displacement;
  • Natural disasters;
  • Urbanisation and/or isolation from the land, restricting access to food except by payment;
  • Poor diet due to the economic or social barriers to accessing good quality food; and
  • Social/state imposed barriers restricting access to land or food by certain groups.

Precision fermentation90 is the idea that by using genetically engineered micro-organisms, grown inside industrial vats, protein can be produced far more ‘efficiently’; and with secondary processing and chemical additives, those simple proteins can be engineered into ‘nutritious’ meat substitutes91.

Given that brief summary, does anything stated there address the points in the list above of the primary reasons behind global hunger? No.

To even talk about precision fermentation in the same context as hunger belittles the the global inequalities92 that drive it; and distracts from the necessary changes93 to national and global governance94 in order to address those issues.

‘The Champagne Glass Graph’, Oxfam, 2015.
‘The Champagne Glass Graph’ – made popular by the UN Human Development Report95 in 1992, then resurrected by Oxfam in their ‘Extreme Carbon Inequality’96 reports – this shows the unequal share of global carbon emissions, but it’s general proportions are also correct for energy consumption, metal consumption, digital devices, etc.

The root of global hunger is inequality: Global inequality is not the ‘fault’ of those who are hungry; it is due to the ‘choices’ of those running national and global governance systems. That system is dominated by a globally affluent elite (see graph, right): Where the 10% of the world’s population95 benefiting from that mechanism consume half of everything96; while the ‘bottom half’ consume just 10%.

Let’s be absolutely clear on this: There is a Human Right to Food97. The fact hundreds of millions are hungry, yet enough food is produced for all, is a matter of political ‘choice’98, not ‘fate’.

I’ve read George Monbiot’s book, ‘Regenesis’99. Personally, I’ve found his recent books rather rambling – lamenting the ills of the world, yet ignoring the ‘radical’ solutions available if he could remove his mental shackles to society, ‘as it is’. We need to stop worrying about how bad things are, and concentrate on the simplest ways to make them better.

For example, in chapter 5 he says:

“City farms, allotments, and guerrilla gardens help us to feel a sense of connection to the land and engage our minds and hands in satisfying work. But, with one or two exceptions it’s unlikely to satisfy more than a tiny fraction of demand. The reason should be obvious: land in cities is scarce and expensive.”

Why is land in cities expensive? Because it is owned by a minute minority of the population called ‘landlords’. Why is that an ecological issue?

Climate change is a physical restriction on humanity. How much food you can grow on a square metre of soil is also a physical restriction. ‘Property rights’ are completely abstract100they do not exist, just like the monetary values property rights are traded with. They are not a ‘physical’ restriction.

If we are truly saying that climate change and ecological breakdown are ‘existential’ – that society lives or dies by what we do in the next decade – who could support a wholly ‘abstract’ division of the land in a way which prevents people from providing their needs in the most low impact way?

Once again, we come back to the issue of inequality: In Britain, less than 1%101 of the population own ~50% of the land. In ‘Regenesis’, George argues that the intellectual property rights on the technological solutions to climate change must be weakened. Why, then, can’t we also restrict property rights on the land, or cap land values or tax excess wealth, to facilitate low impact lifestyles?

In a short film102 on ‘Regenesis’, George states:

“…in Finland, scientists are brewing-up an entirely different kind of food. Inside these tanks, protein is being produced by… bacteria. The only inputs are water, carbon from the air, a sprinkling of nutrients and electricity to split the water into hydrogen and oxygen. And the only waste product… is water.”

‘Forward to Progress’

In the previous section I outlined the problems with ideas like the ‘Green New Deal’, and the material and geopolitical barriers to expanding renewable energy to match fossil fuels. By advocating the use of electricity to produce protein – perhaps up to 25 times more103 energy per unit of protein – it necessarily involves: A certain level of mineral extraction; a certain level of pollution; and a certain level of biodiversity loss as a result of those operations.

Are any of those impacts factored into George’s presentation of the process? No.

Finland is a good example: While 26% of their electricity comes from hydro and wind, around the same comes from nuclear – and that is projected to rise as their new, delayed, and massively over-budget EPR nuclear plant comes on-line. Does the fermentation process, therefore, consume uranium and produce high-level nuclear waste? Arguably yes. Is that considered in George’s model? No.

I don’t want to labour the point, but this model of how the process works is highly misleading: It does not measure the related impacts of creating the electricity; or extracting and purifying the artificial nutrients; or the associated energy and pollution costs of processing the ‘protein gloop’ into ‘cultured meat’. It is very much like the nuclear industry’s argument that ‘nuclear power doesn’t emit carbon dioxide’; and yet from the concrete in the reactor, to ore processing at the uranium mine, greenhouse gases are embodied throughout that process.

In affluent states the major source of protein is meat; but in poor states the major source of protein is vegetables and cereals104. How does that square with Monbiot’s assumption that meat production for the global population105 is a homogeneous issue?

Likewise, humans need roughly 50g to 60g106 of protein per day. On average most countries scrape that amount in their national diet; but in the affluent world people on average consume at least twice that107 amount or more. Does George Monbiot discuss the inequality of global protein intakes, and how that too leads to damaging health impacts, just as too little protein does? Not that I can find.

Turning to George Monbiot’s recent column108 in The Guardian, we see this same simplistic, narrow-boundary analysis applied as a justification:

“The first is to shrink to a remarkable degree the footprint of food production. One paper estimates that precision fermentation using methanol needs 1,700 times less land than the most efficient agricultural means of producing protein: soy grown in the US. This suggests it might use, respectively, 138,000 and 157,000 times less land than the least efficient means: beef and lamb production.”

According to both his book and his column, then, the choice is between intensive animal agriculture, intensive soy production, or precision fermentation: That’s an entirely ‘false dilemma’109, ignoring the large body of evidence on viable alternative options.

His book, ‘Regenesis’, doesn’t discuss ‘permaculture’110, or ‘integrated polyculture’111 – even though recent research112 shows those systems to be far less polluting, and as much if not more113 productive, and economically far more beneficial to those involved, than the intensive farming system he rails against. Even urban allotments114 – which he dismisses in the book – are as good as, if not more115 productive than intensive agriculture, with higher levels of biodiversity116.

If we know there are easily implementable systems that can produce the same, if not more food, with less impacts, why doesn’t George evaluate these ‘other’ options? Why doesn’t he investigate the the details behind why a third of the world’s food is grown by ‘small farmers’ using only a quarter117 of the farmed land area? (hence, a third-more productive than intensive agriculture) And how does his characterisation of the problem of protein production fit to the varied models of small-scale agriculture – or indigenous animal herders or hunters – who do not practise intensive production? These alternatives are dismissed without investigation.

Interviewed by Aaron Bastani118 – the man who wrote the book on, ‘Fully-Automated Luxury Communism’119 – one-hour in George states:

“By doing it this way you can localise your food production, and you can it can be much cheaper. You’re not paying soft currencies for hard currencies, you’re not using your local currency to buy stuff on the dollar market. You’re producing your own food locally, and it could have a massive impact in reducing hunger but also in allowing people to assert sovereignty over their own food supply.”

Those points apply even more strongly to locally-based agriculture, or small-scale production on plots or urban allotments, than to precision fermentation.

He also fails to note the up-front demand for electricity, water, concentrated nutrients, and a processing capacity to turn the ‘protein gloop’ into an appetising foodstuff. Are those factors which are all locally available? Clearly, not. Even ‘locally produced’ solar electricity requires photovoltaic panels which are the product of a globalised mining, manufacturing, and logistics chain, that operates on the hard ‘dollar’ currencies he’s being critical of.

George Monbiot’s analysis of the land required to support ‘cultured meat’ is incomplete. It doesn’t include the land-take of the system’s ‘externalities’120 such as: Power generation; nutrient production; or the land mined for metal or phosphate resources. Unless that essential part of the system is included, he is not making a ‘like-for-like’ comparison, and so no claims can be made as to its advantage.

‘Resistance is Fertile’

In contrast, what do localised permaculture or integrated polyculture systems depend upon? Seeds. Literally, the most complex part of a local food system is developing the right seed variety for the local climatic conditions; and once obtained, they can be simply grown and shared – no hard currencies or mechanised logistics chains required.

Small-scale animal agriculture, integrated into fodder cover and nutrient cycling, may be part of that process – especially at higher latitudes where the growing season is shorter. That, again, is something that requires a local assessment of the best options for food production. But to reduce this entire debate to, “Technology Will Save Us All!”, is simplistic, illogical, and not based upon evidence.

I have wrestled with ‘Regenesis’ since I read it. His recent Guardian columns only add to my concern about his public pronouncements. I can rationalise their flaws and failures in only one way: The levels of compromise George Monbiot engages in, to maintain his position within the media environment, mean that he can no longer represent ecological reality to his audience.

Conclusion: If ecomodernism’s tinkering has failed, it suggests that their model is wrong

Multi-level marketing, created off the back of the social media boom, is as revolutionary as the fears raised by Vance Packard121 about the marketing boom of the 1950s122. Whether by direct payment, goods-in-kind, or just because of the ‘group identity’ it confers, the manipulation of ‘social influencers’123 by political, financial, and industrial interests, represents a new ‘wild west’ in – to use Edward Bernays’ famous phrase – ‘The Engineering of Consent’124.

George Monbiot is such an influencer – and a valued one as his audience is largely made-up of the affluent middle class with disposable incomes. And in the marketing of that message – unlike other advertisers – he is wholly unaccountable as he ‘accentuates the positive’125 and buries the bad news.

Although Jonathon Porritt may have felt either the honesty, or entitlement to state the assumptions behind the ‘ecomodernist’ viewpoint, many do not. They bend and twist their ideas to avoid ever confronting reality: That their technocratic machinations are devised to maintain their material entitlements.

We must revivify the ‘radicalism’126 that Porritt and others excluded from the movement in the 1980s as they sought compromise with the establishment; and reinvigorate the deep ecological debate127 on ‘materialism’ and ‘inequality’128 that has been suppressed for too long.

Ecomodernism can never address the economic and social inequalities which benefit the globally affluent, while creating suffering or hunger for other living beings (humans included). Just like the establishment’s failure to address colonialism, doing so would question their own political and economic advantage in the here-and-now – raising difficult questions of justice and accountability for past policies.

When I raise the issue of class identity, affluence, and the ecological crisis, a number of people in the environment movement – especially of the ‘ecomodernist persuasion’ – are driven to apoplexy.

I understand that: It challenges the very basis of their self-identity, and hence their security and well-being. But it’s equally valid to require anyone objecting to this approach, to view the issue from the opposite side: From the majority who are economically excluded from the debate; and why the low-tech/low impact options for change are excluded from that debate, as the privileged pundits leading it feel uncomfortable talking about them.

Through his columns in The Guardian, and his recent book, George Monbiot has created talking points that seek an ecologically-benign ‘stasis’ in the human system – ignoring the needs and current predicament of the nationally and globally poor: To even mention the word ‘hunger’ in the context of precision fermantation, I find offensive; to talk of technocratic solutions that are reliant upon globalised commodity systems, when the barriers to accessing food are the result of the neocolonial domination of the resource production, I find repugnant.

What I have not raised here is his ‘Reboot Food’129 initiative, and in particular his ‘manifesto’130 – including its: Calls to legalising gene editing (without specifying which of the many processes available should be made ‘legal’); calls for ‘rewilding’ (without specifying what that means, and to what extent ‘rewilding people’ is permitted’); and calls for greater food labelling (which presumes the perpetuation of the highly centralised industrial food production and distribution system). That ‘manifesto’ deserves a deep-dive of its own!

‘Shareholder Value’

If ‘ecomodernism’ is focussed on enabling certain technological or consumer choices, when many are excluded from those choices not simply by price, but by the fact they can barely scrape the basics for a viable lifestyle, then how is that debate going to ever create a mass movement for change? Worse still, the political-right that George seems so afraid of, will weaponise that failure to engage across the social spectrum, to obstruct change, and alienate those making such arguments.

George Monbiot has a highly privileged position which he could use positively: He could deconstruct the economic and social processes that created his privilege; and through that process, both advocate for radical ecological change, and build bridges with those economically excluded from the advantage that he has benefited from.

He chooses not to do that. Instead, he advocates for ‘solutions’ which preserve the economic advantage of the Western lifestyle above any criticism that it is physically and practically beyond salvage.

We need seeds, not solenoids; plots not vats; gardens, not economic globalism. Above all we need land rights, and access to land, to disengage from the global economic system that is the root of human exploitation and ecological destruction. For a catchy soundbite to encompass that, let’s say, “we need to rewild the people alongside all the other animals”.

Title slide for Ramblinactivist’s video 2022/39.
Click to watch the YouTube video of this post

As I have reviewed here: George Monbiot’s representation of ecological issues in the media has become increasingly narrow; biased towards the perpetuation of affluence and establishment power; and as a result, he is apparently twisting, misquoting, or stating incomplete information, in order to maintain that position. What he promotes is an ‘extreme centrism’, which, through highly questionable technocratic schemes, seeks to preserve the entitlements of affluence against the inevitable crash of that lifestyle. As a result, he is sanitising ecological destruction and global inequality, to maintain the artificial lifestyle of the affluent minority who have benefited the most from industrialisation – which, in the end, is what has created the ecological crisis, and which must be curtailed to avert it.

A Stroll Inside King Charles III’s $25 Billion Real Estate Empire

Inside King Charles III’s $25 Billion Real Estate Empire

https://www.forbes.com/sites/giacomotognini/2022/10/21/inside-king-charles-iiis-25-billion-real-estate-empire/

Giacomo Tognini Forbes Staff Staff Writer, Wealth Team. Oct 21, 2022,

The new British monarch lords over seven palaces, 10 castles, 12 homes, 56 cottages, and 14 ancient ruins where he can hang up his crown

Charles III’s official coronation may not occur until May 6, but the new British monarch has already inherited a $25 billion real estate portfolio fit for a king.

When he acceded the throne in September, the 73-year-old sovereign assumed control of a $42 billion empire, much of it in real estate. Forbes scoured property records, annual reports, audits, archives and legislative documents to find all of the king’s new possessions. His holdings span from Buckingham Palace­the official headquarters of the monarchy, which Forbes estimates is worth $4.9 billion­to Highgrove House, a country residence in Gloucestershire that Charles first purchased in 1980 for £865,000 ($3.7 million today,) now valued at $39 million.

Although he has only had the crown for a few weeks, Charles is expected to break with seven generations of tradition and reject Buckingham Palace as his London residence to remain in his current home at Clarence House (estimated value: $72 million.) But he will also reportedly continue to spend some time at Highgrove. That means he’ll have to pay about $740,000 in annual rent to his son William, who succeeded him as Prince of Wales and Duke of Cornwall and now holds Highgrove under the Duchy of Cornwall.

KING OF THESE CASTLES

Charles III’s $25 billion real estate empire is spread across the United Kingdom as well as two cottages in Transylvania. Here are all the properties where he can stow thrones.

Those properties are part of a vast collection of at least seven palaces, 10 castles, 12 homes, 56 holiday cottages and 14 ancient ruins, per Forbes’ count. Aside from Balmoral Castle in Scotland and Sandringham House in Norfolk, which he inherited from the Queen and now personally owns, none of these opulent residences and historic monuments are directly owned by the King. Most are held by the Crown Estate, the Duchy of Lancaster and the Duchy of Cornwall, institutions held “in right of the Crown” for the duration of his reign. Others are controlled by the monarchy itself “in trust” for his successors and the nation, while another four properties are held by two foundations which the King established when he was Prince of Wales.

And it’s not just palaces and countryside homes: through the Crown Estate and the Duchies, Charles now also oversees $12.9 billion in commercial, residential and agricultural properties throughout the U.K., ranging from Ascot Racecourse and the Oval cricket ground to at least three golf courses, a private airfield and the Savoy Chapel in Westminster, the private church of the reigning monarch. The Crown also holds one of England’s most famous monuments, Stonehenge, which was given “to the nation” in 1918 by Cecil Chubb, a local resident who purchased it for £6,600 in 1915 (about $590,000 today).

As the head of state in 15 Commonwealth realms­ in addition to 13 British territories and three crown dependencies­ Charles also has access to at least 49 residences for state visits across the globe, at the homes of his representatives in each nation. Whether he’s traveling to Canada (Rideau Hall in Ottawa,) the Caribbean (King’s House in Jamaica) or the Pacific (Admiralty House in Sydney,) the new monarch always has a place to rest the head that wears the crown.

Closer to home, the lavish estates, extravagant mansions and crumbling ruins maintained by the British monarchy, royal foundations or by the King personally are spread throughout three of the four nations of the United Kingdom, plus two cottages in Transylvania. And there used to be more: between 1998 and 1999, the Crown Estate ceded ownership of six castles, two palaces and one fort in Scotland ­including the millennium-old Edinburgh Castle­to the Scottish government.

But only a small number of homes­ fourteen­ serve as official residences of the King and the royal family. Two more royal residences are personally owned by other family members­ Charles’s sister, Princess Anne, owns Gatcombe Park in Gloucestershire (estimated value: $29 million), while the Duke of Gloucester, his first cousin once removed, has put his Barnwell Manor in Northamptonshire up for sale for $5.4 million. Another of Charles’ new digs, the royal palace in Northern Ireland at Hillsborough Castle, is owned directly by the British government, which purchased it in 1925 for £24,000 (or $1.3 million today.)

Average citizens can also get in on a piece of the royal lifestyle: the Duchies of Cornwall and Lancaster operate 56 holiday homes and cottages across England, Wales and the Isles of Scilly that can be rented out, while the Prince of Wales’ Charitable Fund operates two bed-and-breakfasts in Romania. Everything else, including medieval masterpieces such as the Tower of London and Caernarfon Castle, is a tourist attraction managed by various charities and trusts.

Forbes valued these properties with the help of estimates provided by Lenka Dušková Munter, a sales specialist for historical properties at Czech real estate agency Luxent, and Colby Short, co-founder and CEO of estate agent website GetAgent.co.uk. Here’s a breakdown of King Charles III’s real estate empire.

ENGLAND

BUCKINGHAM PALACE

Est. Value: $4.9 BILLION
The official residence of the royal family since 1837, the 775-room palace with a private swimming pool is also King Charles’s birthplace. First purchased by George III in 1761 when it was still a house, construction to convert it into a palace began in 1820 and only completed in 1847 with the addition of a new wing for Queen Victoria’s growing family, financed largely by the sale of the Royal Pavilion in Brighton for £53,000 ($5.4 million today.) Despite an extensive renovation which began in 2017 and will cost more than $400 million, Charles is known to dislike the “big house.”

HAMPTON COURT PALACE

Est. Value: $1.2 B
Known as the Tudor Palace, Hampton Court is where King Henry VIII spent most of his time, with all six of his wives: by the 1530s, he had added a hotel, theater and numerous works of art; visitors can now see Mantegna’s Triumphs of Caesar plus works by Caravaggio and Rembrandt. The palace also features a grand colonnade, Fountain Court­designed by Sir Christopher Wren­which had a cameo in the second season of Netflix’s Bridgerton.

TOWER OF LONDON
Est. Value: $1.1 B
Built by William the Conqueror in the late 11th century, the towering castle at the heart of London is home to the Crown Jewels, worth an estimated $4 billion. Three Queens of England­Anne Boleyn, Catherine Howard and Jane Grey­were executed here in the 1500s.

WINDSOR CASTLE
Est. Value: $743 MILLION
Windsor Castle was completed in 1086, one year before William the Conqueror’s death. In 1377, King Edward III spent £50,000 (some $57 million today) to convert it from a military fort into a gothic palace­the largest expense of any medieval king on a single building. Over its nearly thousand-year history, the castle been home to 40 monarchs and is still a favorite of the royal family. The surrounding estate includes Windsor Great Park, golf courses and Ascot Racecourse.

ST. JAMES’S PALACE
Est. Value: $700 M
Overlooking Green Park and St. James’s Park in London­two of the eight royal parks in the capital held by the Crown­St. James’s Palace was once the home of Elizabeth I during the defeat of the Spanish Armada in 1558. More recently, it was also the location of King Charles’s accession ceremony on September 10.

LANCASTER CASTLE
Est. value: $674 M
Over its thousand-plus-year history, Lancaster Castle has served as a Roman fort, the site of witch trials and as a prison­until it was decommissioned and converted into a tourist attraction in 2011.

KENSINGTON PALACE
Est. Value: $630 M
The childhood home of Prince William and Prince Harry, Kensington was known as the “party palace” in the late 17th century for hosting extravagant balls where guests “ate, drank, gambled and flirted until dawn.” The palace is still William and Kate’s official London residence, while Prince Harry and Meghan Markle live in a $23 million mansion in Montecito, California, replete with 9 bedrooms, 19 bathrooms, a private pool, spa, theater and tennis court.

BANQUETING HOUSE
Est. Value: $296 M
The only remnant of the Palace of Whitehall­once the largest palace in Europe until its destruction in a fire in 1698­Banqueting House in London is home to a 2,420-square-foot ceiling painting by Peter Paul Rubens commissioned by Charles I in 1629. (Rubens was paid £3,000 for the work­some $540,000 today­plus a heavy gold chain.) It’s also where Charles I met a gruesome end on January 30, 1649: just two decades after commissioning the Rubens ceiling, he walked under it and was then executed outside Banqueting House.

CARISBROOKE CASTLE
Est. value: $225 M
Located on the Isle of Wight, Carisbrooke Castle carries much darker memories for the royals: After its capture by parliamentary forces in 1642 during the English Civil War, the dethroned King Charles I was imprisoned there in the years leading up to his execution.

ELTHAM PALACE
Est. Value: $211 M
Described as “unique marriage between a medieval and Tudor palace and a 1930s millionaire’s mansion,” Eltham Palace was used as a royal palace by monarchs who hunted in the surrounding parks from the 14th to the 16th century. Henry VIII, the last king to reside there, spent his childhood at Eltham. In 1933, millionaires Stephen and Virginia Courtauld took a 99-year-lease on the palace from the Crown and installed a bomb shelter in the basement during World War II; they eventually moved out in 1944 after growing tired of the repeated air raids from the German Luftwaffe.

THATCHED HOUSE LODGE
Est. Value: $131 M
Thatched House Lodge is a Regency-era home built in the early 18th century on a 4-acre estate in Richmond Park, the largest park in London and another royal possession. The property is home to Queen Elizabeth’s first cousin Princess Alexandra, who has rented it from the Crown Estate since 1963 and paid a £670,000 premium ($1.4 million today) to extend the lease in 1994.

RESTORMEL MANOR
(14 Properties) Est. Value: $86 M
The Duchy of Cornwall’s 14 holiday properties near the medieval town of Lostwithiel in Cornwall are housed in and around Restormel Manor, a 500-year-old Gothic-style mansion with a steam room, sauna, tennis court and an indoor heated swimming pool. But living like an English lord is pricey: one week at the nine-bedroom Restormel Manor property in December will cost $4,000.

SANDRINGHAM ESTATE
Est. Value: $73 M
One of two properties personally owned by King Charles, which he inherited from his late mother, Sandringham in Norfolk has been in the royal family since 1862. The estate includes the Royal Studs, a thoroughbred horse farm first established in 1886, as well as rental properties spread across 13 nearby villages­with a notorious “no cats” policy for would-be renters, reportedly due to the Queen’s fears the felines would kill the pheasants and partridges kept as game birds. Charles is also reportedly looking to sell some of the Queen’s prized race horses and scale down the Royal Studs.

CLARENCE HOUSE
Est. Value: $72 M
King Charles’s longtime home is one of the last surviving aristocratic townhouses in London, a stuccoed mansion completed in 1827 at the cost of £22,232 ($2 million today)­more than double the original estimate. The Queen also lived there while she was still a princess, and it served as the home of her mother’s impressive art collection, featuring works by Fabergé and John Piper.

KEW PALACE
Est. Value: $70 M
Set among the Royal Botanic Gardens­home to more than 50,000 plants including rare and threatened species housed in a grand Victorian-era greenhouse­Kew Palace was the private retreat of King George III during a long period of mental illness, starting in 1788. The gardens are also home to the Chinese-style Great Pagoda, a 163-foot-tall tower with 80 dragons carved from gilded wood. The dragons, removed in 1784 and restored in 2018, were rumored to have been sold to pay off King George IV’s gambling debts.

DOVER CASTLE
Est. Value: $66 M
Standing guard over the Strait of Dover, the shortest sea crossing between England and Europe, Dover Castle originated as a Roman fort in 43 CE. Another castle on the site was erected in 1066 by William the Conqueror, who captured the city after the Battle of Hastings. The structure that stands today was established by Henry II in 1189. And while British royals haven’t used the castle since 1625, it’s been used in warfare throughout the centuries, including as a garrison for 16,000 troops during the First World War, a hospital in World War II and as a backup seat of government in case of a nuclear attack during the Cold War.

CARLISLE CASTLE
Est. value: $45 M
Located about ten miles south of the modern English-Scottish border, Carlisle Castle served as the Kingdom of England’s fortress against the Scots for half a century until the two realms were united in 1603. Built on the ruins of a Roman fort that provided support for garrisons on Hadrian’s Wall, the castle was besieged seven times by the Scots between 1173 and 1461, when it was again besieged during the English Wars of the Roses. It served as a base for Edward I in 1296; the prison of Mary, Queen of Scots in 1567; and as a British army barracks from the 1820s until 1959.

BAGSHOT PARK
Est. Value: $39 M
Built in 1879 on the orders of Queen Victoria as a home for her third son, Prince Arthur, Bagshot Park in Surrey is a Tudor Gothic-style mansion set on 52 acres of gardens, including stables and a working farm. Prince Edward, Charles’s youngest brother, has lived there since 1998, paying roughly $100,000 in annual rent to the Crown Estate. Charles’ other brother, Prince Andrew, lives a 20-minute drive away at the Royal Lodge in Windsor Great Park, which he rented with a 75-year-lease in 2003 for a one-time payment of £1 million (or $1.8 million now).

HIGHGROVE HOUSE
Est. Value: $39 M
King Charles’ longtime family home, Highgrove was built in 1798 and acquired by the then-Prince of Wales in 1980. The estate is home to 15 acres of organic gardens with heritage varieties of fruits and vegetables and an adjacent shop where visitors can buy eggs, wine and spirits made on the property. It’s also a short drive from Ray Mill House, the private home of Charles’ wife, Camilla, the Queen Consort. She purchased the six-bedroom countryside cottage for £850,000 ($1.7 million today) in January 1996, a year after her divorce from her first husband, Andrew Parker Bowles­and just seven months before Charles’s own divorce with Princess Diana in August that year. Diana died a year later, in August 1997.

FROGMORE HOUSE
Est. Value: $35 M
Named for the numerous amphibians that live in the marshes around the property, Frogmore House was purchased by King George III in 1792 as a country retreat for his wife, Queen Charlotte. The mansion’s Britannia Room features paintings, porcelain and furniture taken from the interior of the royal yacht, HMY Britannia, after it was decommissioned in 1997. The Frogmore estate is also home to the mausoleum of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert and Frogmore Cottage, the U.K. residence of Prince Harry and Meghan. In September 2020, the couple repaid $3.2 million in refurbishing expenses, originally covered by British taxpayers.

CHESTER CASTLE
Est. Value: $22 M
One of the many castles built by William the Conqueror in 1070, Chester Castle served as the military headquarters for Henry III’s and Edward I’s conquest of Wales, and as a Royalist headquarters during the English Civil War. The castle, which was used by the British military until 1999, features a chapel with wall paintings dating to 1240.

OSBORNE HOUSE
Est. Value: $19 M
This Italianate mansion was purchased by Queen Victoria and Prince Albert in 1845 for £28,000 ($3 million today) as a seaside retreat on the Isle of Wight. The eclectic mansion was designed with architectural features drawn from around the world: the Italian palazzo-style home with extensive terraces; the Indian-style Durbar Wing, in honor of Victoria’s status as Empress of India; and the Swiss Cottage, an “educational tool” for the royal children, where they grew fruit, flowers and vegetables.

DUCHY OF LANCASTER COTTAGES
(16 Properties) Est. Value: $12 M
The Duchy of Lancaster owns fifteen holiday cottages in Scarborough, a seaside resort located near North York Moors national park. A one-night stay at the 8-bedroom Scalby Lodge in late November will set you back some $720. Root Farm Cottage is a two-bedroom property in the Forest of Bowland in Lancashire, forming part of the Whitewell Estate, last visited by the Queen Elizabeth in 2006 for her 80th birthday celebrations.

LOSKEYLE COTTAGES
(2 Properties) Est. Value: $4.1 M
The Duchy of Cornwall owns four holiday cottages­with complimentary fishing for guests­in St Tudy, a small countryside village in Cornwall. A seven-night stay in November in Menhenick, a two-story, three-bedroom barn, costs $735.

DOLPHIN HOUSE
Est. Value: $2 M
The six-bedroom home on the island of Tresco is housed in an old granite rectory, with hilltop views of the Atlantic Ocean and the 19th-century Round Island lighthouse.

TAMARISK
Est. Value: $1.5 M
Tamarisk is a four-bedroom cottage on Garrison Hill in Hugh Town on the island of St. Mary’s. Its name comes from the tamarisk trees on the property, a flowering plant mentioned in the Old Testament and the Iliad. While still an official royal residence, Charles and Diana snubbed the home on their vacations to the Isles of Scilly, preferring to stay with friends in Tresco.

BERKHAMSTED CASTLE
Before it crumbled into ruins, Berkhamsted Castle was a motte-and-bailey built out of timber in 1070. It was briefly the home of Thomas Becket, then Archbishop of Canterbury, who rebuilt the castle in stone between 1155 and 1164. From 1225 to 1272, it was refurbished and expanded to serve as the palace of Richard, Earl of Cornwall, believed to be the richest man in England at the time.

BOLINGBROKE CASTLE
King Henry IV was born in the 13th-century Bolingbroke Castle in 1367, but all that remains are the sunken hexagonal walls and surrounding earthworks.

CROMWELL’S CASTLE
One of the few remaining fortifications from the Interregnum­the period between 1649 and 1660 when Oliver Cromwell ruled England after executing Charles I­Cromwell’s Castle is a circular gun tower built in 1651, after Cromwell’s forces recaptured the Isles of Scilly from the royalists.

KING CHARLES’S CASTLE
Adjacent to Cromwell’s castle on the island of Tresco, King Charles’s Castle was built during the reign of King Edward VI and renamed by pro-Charles I royalists during the English Civil War. The gambit didn’t work­parliamentarian troops bypassed the now-ruined castle by landing on the other side of Tresco in 1651.

LAUNCESTON CASTLE
Launceston Castle is a ruined 13th-century round tower and the remnants of a castle originally built by William the Conqueror for his half-brother. It later served as a prison where George Fox, founder of the Quakers, was detained in 1656 and held executions until 1821.

LYDFORD CASTLE
Lydford Castle sits on the western edge of Dartmoor national park, a vast expanse of moorlands where the Duchy of Cornwall owns a third of the land. The 12th-century square castle was a prison from the Middle Ages until the 1700s.

MAIDEN CASTLE
Described as “one of the largest and most complex Iron Age hillforts in Europe,” Maiden Castle is the size of 50 soccer pitches, with enormous ramparts dating to the 1st century BCE.

PEVERIL CASTLE
Now in ruins, Peveril Castle, was one of the earliest Norman fortresses in England, with a keep built by Henry II in 1176.

RESTORMEL CASTLE
Once a “luxurious retreat” in the 14th century and the home of Edward, the first Duke of Cornwall, Restormel Castle is now a ruin with a large circular keep.

ST. MARY’S COTTAGES
(3 properties)
Besides Tamarisk, the Duchy of Cornwall also owns three more holiday homes on St. Mary’s, including a two-bedroom property in a 17th-century guard house and another housed in a former gun battery.

TICKHILL CASTLE
Now occupied by a private tenant who rents the land from the Duchy of Lancaster, the 11th-century Tickhill Castle was expanded by several English kings until its decline during the Wars of the Roses in the 15th century: King Henry I built a gatehouse and a wall with ramparts in 1130, and Henry II added a new keep and a stone bridge in 1182.

TINTAGEL CASTLE
Located on the rugged northern coast of Cornwall, little remains of this 13th-century castle.

TRESCO COTTAGES
(15 properties)
The Duchy of Cornwall­which owns nearly all of the land on the Isles of Scilly­has 15 holiday cottages on the island of Tresco, in addition to Dolphin House.

TREMATON CASTLE
The ruins of Trematon Castle in eastern Cornwall were converted into a private garden with evergreen oaks and wild flowers in 2012, when it was leased by garden designers Julian and Isabel Bannerman from the Duchy of Cornwall.

TUTBURY CASTLE
Built in 1071 for Norman baron Henry de Ferrers, this now-ruined castle was confiscated by Henry III during the Second Barons’ War in 1267. Elizabeth I imprisoned Mary, Queen of Scots at Tutbury multiple times between 1569 and 1585, when she was moved 80 miles south to Fotheringhay Castle and executed.

WALES

CAERNARFON CASTLE
Est. Value: $289 M
Inspired by imperial Roman architecture and the walls of ancient Constantinople, the 13th-century Caernarfon Castle is ringed by 2,400 feet of stone walls studded with 12 octagonal towers and surrounded by a moat. King Edward I ordered its construction in 1283 after the conquest of Wales, but the colossal structure took 47 years and £25,000 (more than $23 million today) to complete­roughly 90% of England’s annual income at the time. It also holds a special resonance to the new king: Charles was invested as Prince of Wales at Caernarfon in 1969.

LLWYNYWERMOD
Est. Value: $3.9 M
Located near the mountains of Brecon Beacons national park, Llwynywermod was King Charles III’s Welsh retreat while he was Prince of Wales. The 192-acre estate is now in the hands of his son, Prince William, who has his own Welsh connection: The wedding ring he gave Kate Middleton in 2011 is made of Welsh gold, and the couple lived on the isle of Anglesey off the northwest coast of Wales while William worked as a search-and-rescue helicopter pilot.

MYDDFAI COTTAGES
(2 properties)
The Duchy of Cornwall owns two cottages on the Llwynywermod estate, housed in converted barns. Guests can expect to pay $1,000 for a weeklong stay at the smaller two-bedroom West Range cottage for the privilege of being William and Kate’s neighbor.

OGMORE CASTLE
The oval-shaped ruins of Ogmore Castle feature a twelfth-century stone keep and date to 1116, when the castle was founded by the Norman de Londres family.

ROMANIA

THE PRINCE OF WALES’S GUESTHOUSE
Est. value: $1.1 M
One of only two properties held by King Charles outside of the U.K., he purchased this private nature retreat and guesthouse in the rural Transylvanian village of Valea Z lanului­known locally by its Hungarian moniker Zalánpatak­through Ecologic Transilvania SRL, a Romanian subsidiary of the Prince of Wales’s Charitable Fund. Visitors can go horse riding at the property’s stables or take advantage of a wood-fired “salty hot-tub” and a mineral water pool in the summer, or horse-drawn sleigh rides with mulled wine in the winter.

THE PRINCE OF WALES’S HOUSE
Est. value: $1.1 M
Located a two-hour drive west of Valea Z lanului in the town of Viscri, Charles’s second Romanian property is a bed and breakfast that doubles as a traditional crafts and training center housed in an 18th-century Saxon home. Beyond these two homes, Charles has another, centuries-old link to Transylvania: he is a distant relative of Vlad the Impaler, who ruled what is now Romania in the 15th century and served as the inspiration for Bram Stoker’s Dracula.

SCOTLAND

BALMORAL CASTLE
Est. Value: $118 M
Queen Elizabeth II’s favorite residence, she spent her final days at Balmoral before she died on September 8 at age 96. Purchased by Prince Albert for his wife, Queen Victoria, in 1852 for £32,000 ($3.9 million today,) the castle was built in the Scottish Baronial style out of local white granite. The 50,000-acre estate includes a golf course, woodlands, a bridge across the river Dee designed by Isambard Kingdom Brunel and an obelisk commemorating Prince Albert. Along with Sandringham, it’s one of two properties personally owned by King Charles, which he inherited from the Queen.

PALACE OF HOLYROOD HOUSE
Est. Value: $83 M
The official residence of the monarchy in Scotland, Holyroodhouse sits on one end of Edinburgh’s Royal Mile, which connects the palace to Edinburgh Castle. Founded by King David I of Scotland as an Augustinian monastery in 1128­a structure that’s still intact today as Holyrood Abbey­James IV built a palace on the grounds in 1501, and later residents included Mary, Queen of Scots. (A box containing her hair is on display in her former chambers.) The palace rooms feature treasures from the Royal Collection, including the Darnley Jewel, a heart-shaped gold locket studded with Burmese rubies and Indian emerald.

DUMFRIES HOUSE
Est. Value: $46 M
Set on 2,000 acres of land in rural Ayrshire in southwestern Scotland, Dumfries House is a Palladian, 18th-century mansion purchased by Charles in 2007 for £45 million (or $77 million today) through a trust. Built in 1759 by William Chrichton-Dalrymple, the Earl of Dumfries, and designed by the architect Robert Adam and his two brothers, the home is known for retaining its original 18th-century furniture from the workshop of Thomas Chippendale. Now in the hands of the Prince’s Foundation, a charity Charles set up in 1986, Dumfries House is open to visitors and is also used for training young people in traditional skills and crafts.

CASTLE OF MEY
Est. Value: $15 M
Built in 1567 by George, the Earl of Caithness on the northeastern coast of Scotland, the Castle of Mey features a grand entrance and dining room designed by William Burn in 1819. It fell into disrepair in the 20th century until it was purchased by the Queen Elizabeth’s mother in 1952, who renovated the castle and its 30 acres of gardens and parklands and restored the property’s original name. The Queen Mother handed the castle over to a trust in 1996, which now forms part of The Prince’s Foundation.

Mass Trespass to protect AONB near Crawley, Sussex, Saturday 24 September 2022

Mass Trespass on Saturday September 24th, 10am – 3pm, Worth Forest, Sussex, organised by Landscapes of Freedom & Right to Roam.
Please note – this event was originally advertised for Sat 17 September but date was changed due to rail strike (which we of course support).
The next in the summer of trespasses, making the call for the Right to Roam louder, and echoing widely, whilst protesting Center Parcs’ gross plans for their next faux-forest holiday town. 900 lodges, car parks & roads to match, tropical (?!?) swimming pool, retail outlets, restaurants, infrastructure, habitat destruction on a grand scale dressed up as a family-favourite-forest-fun. In a forest…
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=65URCkmv_PU

Here’s our new 4.5 minute film ‘SAVE OLDHOUSE WARREN’ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=65URCkmv_PU

You don’t need to sign up on eventbrite, that’s just a tool. Email landscapesoffreedom@gmail.com & meet point will be announced a few days before.
For now, for advanced travel prep, aim for Balcombe station 9.30ish, where minibuses will be on hand. Other journeys are available…..
Wear forest finery if you choose! and any folk dancers or minstrels who fancy joining, please get in touch, most welcome.

Military Homes Re-Nationalisation Row Heads To Court

Military homes row heads to court

Guy Hands files legal claim against MoD to block renationalisation of £7.6bn housing portfolio

By Helen Cahill – Daily Telegraph – Tuesday 15 March 2022

GUY HANDS’ housing firm has launched legal proceedings against the Government to block the renationalisation of its portfolio of thousands of military homes.

Hands’ company Annington Homes has begun legal action in two courts after talks with the Ministry of Defence (MoD) over the renationalisation broke down. Annington offered to contribute £105m to maintain the homes but was rebuffed by the MoD.

Anningtorn has now launched a judicial review as well as a High Court claim challenging the ‘MoD’s plans. Defence chiefs are trying to use leasehold rights to reclaim homes that were first sold off by John Major’s administration in 1996.

Hands brokered the privatisation deal while he was head of the Principal Financial Group at Nomura. He later purchased the properties through his private equity firm Terra Firma. The portfolio is now valued at £7.6bn.

The MoD sold off 57,400 homes for £1.7bn and then rented them back on a 200-year lease.

The Government has since been criticised for failing to properly value the homes in the original auction. The National Audit Office has complained officials were too cautious with their assumptions for house prices, and missed out on vast capital growth in the portfolio. Its report found taxpayers have lost as much as £4.2bn.

The Government is also on the hook for hundreds of millions each year in rent and maintenance payments on the properties. Lord Admiral West, the former first sea lord, has described the deal as a “dream money-making scheme for the private sector”.

Annington said the Government could still avert a lengthy legal dispute if it takes up the company’s offer to contribute £105m towards maintenance. The company has warned legal proceedings could take up to five years.

A spokesman for Annington Homes said: “We can confirm that Annington has begun legal proceedings against the UK Government.

”We continue to be open to discuss with the Government to find a solution that avoids a long and expensive legal dispute.”

Hands was hoping to sell the portfolio in a private auction before hearing of the MOD’s attempt to reclaim the properties. Reports suggested he could have made more than £1.5bn from the sale.

The MoD has so far trialled its scheme on two individual properties. The so-called ‘enfranchisement’ scheme would allow the government to purchase freeholds en masse at a price agreed by a court.

Annington has argued that the scheme is not appropriate for use on a large number of homes and that making thousands of applications will block up the court system. But the MoD is confident it would be able to use test cases to establish valuations for a wider group of properties.

Mr Hands has embarked upon lengthy legal battles in the past. His ill-fated takeover of music group EMI sparked a legal dispute with Citigroup that lasted seven years. Citi lent Terra Firma £2.5bn to fund the deal.

Mr Hands later chased the bank through the courts, both in New York and London over allegations of fraud but he abandoned the £1.5bn case in 2016.

The MoD declined to comment.

The National Trust is trying to eliminate livestock farming by pushing tenants out for ‘pantheist’ rewilding projects

National Trust rewilding projects leave tenants feeling pushed out

https://www.fwi.co.uk/business/business-management/tenancies-rents/national-trust-rewilding-projects-leaves-tenants-feel-pushed-out

Several farming tenants and the Tenant Farmers Association (TFA) are concerned by what they see as the over-zealous way in which the National Trust is taking productive agricultural land back in-hand for rewilding.

Farmers Weekly talks to some tenants who have lost the land they have farmed for years.

See also: Why farm tenants are criticising National Trust landlords

Devon farmer leaves after 28 years

Patrick Greed, who farms on the Killerton Estate in Devon, feels he has betrayed agriculture after accepting an incentive from the National Trust to give up his Agricultural Holdings Act (AHA) tenancy after 28 years.

As well as the main 160ha holding he farmed, he had another 60ha of river meadow grazing on a Farm Business Tenancy (FBT).

The National Trust kept renewing it every five or 10 years, depending upon what environmental stewardship schemes we were in, he says.

Most recently, we had been in Higher Level Stewardship and once that ended, they decided to take it back for tree planting, scrapes and rewilding.

Loss of this land meant 61-year-old Mr Greed had to reduce his Limousin suckler herd. We had 550 head (cows and followers) before we lost the river meadows. Now we have 340.


Mr Greeds pedigree limousin Patrick Greed

With it becoming increasingly difficult to farm the land productively, alongside TB risks and greater public use of the land, Mr Greed accepted the incentive to quit and will leave the farm next year.

But he is uneasy about the direction the National Trust is taking.

It is not reletting it as a farm. It plans to do a lot of tree planting on the main holding. But just over 120ha of it is Grade 1 and 2 arable land.

It [the National Trust] even wants to plant trees on some of the permanent pasture. It is wrong. Farmers ought to be producing as much food as possible from this land.

Mr Greed is not alone. Land agent Kevin Bateman, director of Bateman Hosegood, has come across numerous cases, particularly in the past two years, where the National Trust has taken back tenanted land for rewilding and tree planting.

It feels like re-enactment of the Highland clearances a land grab, he says.

Typically, tenants are finding that their FBTs, which have been historically renewed, are being taken back in-hand, which is significantly affecting the viability of some businesses.

And some tenants with AHA tenancies are being offered cash incentives to give them up too, says Mr Bateman.

The policy feels like it is financially driven, with the trust targeting big grants for landscape-scale nature recovery at the expense of its tenanted farms.

It sees this as a way of creating significant income for itself. However, it does not understand the implications for the farming businesses and family homes that it is effectively destroying, he explains.

The way it is doing this suggests that it has complete contempt for the farmers who have farmed the land for generations.

Cornwall farmer feels destroyed

When Tom Hasson, 42, and his partner Becki Prouse, 37, took on the 220ha mixed farm FBT in Stowe Barton, Cornwall seven years ago having farmed 60-80ha of it for 14 years they fully expected to continue.


Tom Hasson and family Tom Hasson

When we took it on, the National Trust said it wanted to let it to a young farming family like us. In June last year, we went with a proposal to renew our Mid-Tier stewardship and tenancy, says Mr Hasson.

So it came as a bombshell when the trust said it had different plans for the premises. It wanted to take all the land back and create a nature reserve with agricultural production as a by-product rather than the main aim.

At their last meeting, the National Trust suggested running 50 head of cattle over 220ha on a year-to-year grazing licence.

But there would be no security and how could we get an income when they would be taking the payments? Our plans are up in the air, says Mr Hasson.

It has totally destroyed us and upset the kids. Ms Prouse agrees: There is no recognition of what we have done. I feel empty.

Devon farm goes to public access

Echoing this sentiment is Tim Jankins, who came out of his 180ha mixed farm FBT on the South Devon Estate, near Plymouth, in November last year.


Tim Jakins Moostones

We were there for 25 years. The National Trust approached us in 2018 when our tenancy was up for renewal and said we couldnt renew it on the previous terms, he says.

It wanted a large amount of public access, and to rewild some of it.

My gut reaction told me to get out. Id put a lifetimes savings into it and I didnt want to be there when it reverted back to whatever it was supposed to be reverting back to.

He has since heard that the farmhouse is empty and that there are many weeds on the farm. It is good, productive land, he adds.

We used to supply a good amount of beef and lamb, with grain going to local feed mills. This now has to be brought in from further away, which doesnt help the carbon footprint.

TFA: Wrong-headed policy

Tenant Farmers Association (TFA) chief executive George Dunn says that what is happening to some tenants is devastating.

They have put their heart and soul into a place, hoping to get some sort of tenancy renewal and are told this is not going to happen.

People are bringing up families on these farms, they are involved in local communities and go to local schools.

While he is aware of conversations on other National Trust estates, Mr Dunn says the situation is most potent in the South West, particularly affecting coastal properties.

The Trust is focusing attention on what it considers is needed for biodiversity net gain and carbon reduction. It doesnt see these farms as particularly important from an agricultural perspective.

The TFA thinks the policy is entirely wrong-headed. It is a vanity project driven by the current media frenzy around rewilding, which in our view is not based on sound science, says Mr Dunn.

The TFA is also challenging Defra over spending public money on such projects.

The governments objective is to maintain the landlord/tenant system in agriculture.

If a landlord like the National Trust decides to bring someones occupation of a farm to an end, it shouldnt have access to public funding for planting trees and rewilding, Mr Dunn suggests.

He advises tenants who have been approached about giving up their tenancy not to go quietly and to speak up for what they believe to be right.

Contact the TFA, he adds. We are building a database to help lobby the National Trust on a joint basis the more cases we have, the better.

National Trust insists it values its tenants

The National Trust says it wants to make its land better for nature, to help tackle the nature and climate crisis.

We want to create and restore 25,000ha for nature on our land by 2025 work started in 2017. This means we may retain land in-hand, often temporarily, to reset the management model, says a spokesman.

Any payments made as incentives to surrender tenancies are from National Trust funds, and each case is considered in its local context.

The trust denies taking land back so it can claim future Landscape Recovery or other environmental grants.

If we hold land in-hand, it is with a view to taking some time to plan its future use and management, the spokesman explains.

When we decide to make changes to our land, we look at the different options available to support any capital investments needed and to secure appropriate long-term management.

We anticipate future funding will come from a variety of sources and that rental income will continue to be part of that mix.

The National Trust says it is acutely aware of the impact on tenants when tenancies are not renewed. We work hard to support our tenants with the challenges they face as a result of this, it insists.

 

William Cobbett’s Dream Of A ‘Brave Old World’: Why Britain Needs A Peasants’ Revolt

If you leave England via the Severn bridge and drive through Wales’ Wye Valley, on a road parallel with the river, you will come to a settlement central to the history of these isles: Monmouth. I should warn you: it is a tad twee. It has an M&S Simply Food and a Waitrose. It’s that sort of small town. I should, also, declare my interest: one of my ancestors, a hardcase Welsh Borders esquire called John ap Harri, fought at Agincourt alongside Henry V, the warrior king who was born in Monmouth castle. So I confess to experiencing a small frisson of pride every time I go down Monmouth’s charming main (and almost only) street.

If, like the ap Harris and their descendants, you appreciate a ruck then — despite its genteel, beside-the-languid-Wye ambience — Monmouth is your kind of town. As well as the castle ruins, there is the Nelson Museum — the victor of the Nile and Trafalgar performed quite a lot of trysting with Emma Hamilton hereabouts. But my own personal place of “have-a-go” pilgrimage is the Wetherspoons situated (of course) on Agincourt Square.

I am an expert on that watering hole, The King’s Head, a rambling coaching inn dating from the 17th century, since I spent multitudinous hours under its stuccoed ceilings during the interval between collecting one child from Extra-Curricular Activity A at 5pm and waiting for the other to finish Extra-Curricular Activity B at 9pm. (We sometimes even spent the night in the pub, rather than do the 50-mile round trip home and back again to school in the morning. Country life, eh?) There are advantages to Wetherspoons, I find: their reputation as déclassé keeps out sanctimonious snobs. You are pretty safe from Emily Thornberry in a Wetherspoons.

I have digressed. The truest reason I love The King’s Head is that William Cobbett once gave a lecture there: an event commemorated by a nice print on the wall of the man — in red jacket, white britches and black boots, all properly Georgian — and a bit of accompanying biographical text.

The wall dedicated to William Cobbett in Monmouth’s Wetherspoon’s.

Cobbett was a scrapper on the same majestic scale as our Henry V and our Horatio, except he dished it out to Vested Interest rather than Jean-Pierre Foreigner. He is the faded star of the British Awkward Squad (Capt. Jon. Swift; Vice Capt. Geo. Orwell) and he needs a boost. He needs a blue plaque on every place he ever visited. In his long life — he was born in 1763 and died in 1835 — Cobbett was a farmer, Tory, soldier, Radical, MP, agony uncle (his books include Advice to Young Men), and the founder of Hansard.

His obituary in The Times, after categorising him as a “self-taught peasant”, declared Cobbett “by far the most voluminous writer that has ever lived for centuries”. The funniest, too: when some town council somewhere banned his anti-Malthusian play Surplus Population, he riposted with a drama entitled Bastards in High Places.

Above all, though, Cobbett was the champion of the rural poor, the village labourer and the small farmer. He was their one true tribune. He spoke at The King’s Head in 1820 because country folk were suffering a triple wham from agricultural depression, enclosure and the rise of agri-business. Or, to precis, “Hodge” (his name for the generic farm worker) was low-waged or unwaged and deprived of the bits of land he had once enjoyed under commoner’s rights.

Cobbett railed against “The Thing” (the capitalist, manufactory system) and the centrifugal, corrupting force of smoky London (“The Wen”, in Cobbettian). But he was no bloviator: he was a farm boy, and hence entirely empirical and properly pragmatic. He spent a decade travelling around the English sticks to discover the true state of affairs. His descriptions of his horseback journeys were published in 1830 as Rural Rides, the first sociological study of the English countryside.

No dry-as-dust tome by the way, the Rides: it brims with pinned-to-the-specimen-board descriptions of people and places, nature, wit. Cobbett knew beauty and, the proper Englishman that he was, he loved horses:

The finest sight in England is a stage coach ready to start. A great sheep or cattle fair is a beautiful sight; but in the stage coach you see more of what man is capable of performing. The vehicle itself, the harness, all so complete and so neatly arranged; so strong and clean and good. The beautiful horses, impatient to be off. The inside full and the outside covered, in every part with men, women, children, boxes, bags, bundles. The coachman taking his reins in hand and his whip in the other, gives a signal with his foot, and away go, at the rate of seven miles an hour.

One of these coaches coming in, after a long journey is a sight not less interesting. The horses are now all sweat and foam, the reek from their bodies ascending like a cloud. The whole equipage is covered perhaps with dust and dirt. But still, on it comes as steady as the hands on a clock.

Speaking at The King’s Head coaching inn in Monmouth must have been the dream gig for Cobbett the horseman.

When you go to that Wetherspoons yourself, take a copy of Rural Rides with you, sit under Cobbett’s portrait, and ask yourself the following question. Given all the Westminster-overlooked problems of British country people in 2020 — from the absence of public transport to abundance of second-homers — who speaks for us now? Where is our champion, our Cobbett? The one of us who can speak for us? Where?

Cobbett’s solution to the woes of the Regency rural poor was a return to a barter-based Medieval economy under gent paternalists with a sense of noblesse oblige, plus Parliamentary voting reform, creating a Britain where there would be “room for us all, and  plenty for us to eat and to drink”. In the bon mot of his biographer Richard Ingrams, Cobbett sought a “Brave Old World”.

Even in the 19thcentury, the call to go “back to the land” — vacating the towns and dismantling the factory system — was unrealisable nostalgia. But that is not to say that Cobbett’s proposals were meritless. One in particular needs dusting down today: self-sufficiency, as promoted in his manual and manifesto, Cottage Economy.

Of course — and I hear your sniggers — self-sufficiency has become a Tom-and-Barbara Good Life laugh, if a slightly strangled one now that, due to Covid “collapsology”, your neighbours are fleeing the Wen for a house with a large garden in Norfolk. If you truly believe self-sufficiency too quaint, ponder this: in France some 20% of the fresh produce consumed is still raised in the kitchen garden, the potager. Then ponder this also: during Covid, France’s newspapers declared “Potagers et jardins, les stars du confinement”. Well, obviously. Soul, stomach, sense of self-reliance, re-connection to healing nature all satisfied by a quarter of an acre. Every one of psychologist Abraham Maslow’s “Hierarchy of Needs” ticked. Voila!

Actually, self-sufficiency, autarchy, backyard farming — call it what you like — is a venerable British tradition. Once upon a time governments even sponsored self-sufficiency via Smallholdings Acts authorising acquisition of land for those wanting to grow their own. Between 1908 and 1914 alone, 205,103 acres were purchased in England and Wales for smallholders and allotmenteers. In return for service in the Great War, 24,000 soldiers were settled on plots in our green and pleasant land. The allotment movement was boosted by Round 2 with militaristic Germany, 1939-45, and the “Dig for Victory” campaign. By 1943 there were 1,400,000 allotments in the UK, producing a gob-smacking 1.3 million tonnes of food.

Then came the outbreak of peace, the population doubling to 60 million, and an expansion of housing which caused hard-pressed local authorities to sell land to developers. Currently, there are a niggardly 250,000 allotments in the UK, and the waiting lists are as long as rake handles. But now that BoJo has decided that money does, after all, grow on trees, why not spend a casual couple of billion purchasing land around Britain to be divided up into plots for village people and townspeople alike? (I propose this be called “The Cobbett Scheme”.)

So, when you are in Monmouth, do visit The King’s Head. Cobbett, the man who dined alike with Pitt and farmworker, who hated cruelty to animals, and appreciated a good pint, would have been entirely at home in a Wetherspoons —with their CAMRA ale, RSPCA Freedom Food eggs, Marine Stewardship Council fish (I have eaten in Michelin starred restaurants with less ethical food and drinks policies) and its merciful absence of stuffed shirts.And, alongside Rural Rides, have Cottage Economy with you, and ask yourself this ultimate question: do we not need more self-sufficiency in this country?

I say we do. As the Sex Pistols should have sung: “Autarchy for the UK!”

How Manchester sold itself to Abu Dhabi’s elite – for a song

How a great English city sold itself to Abu Dhabi’s elite – and not even for a good price

Manchester’s Labour council let Sheikh Mansour buy up acres of public land for seemingly a fraction of its worth – how was this allowed?

Aditya Chakrabortty – The Guardian – Thu 21 Jul 2022

London is one giant pantomime this summer. Just look to the politicians and journalists, hot-breathed with excitement, horse-trading and haggling over who gets to be the Tories’ next head prefect. But if you want the truth about how power and money operate in the UK today then ditch Rishi Sunak and Liz Truss, and head to Manchester. Yes, Manchester: the comeback city that traded cotton mills for skyscrapers, and is now cheered by the Financial Times and George Osborne. The metropolis that taught the world so much about industrial capitalism 200 years ago now offers another harsh lesson about its 21st-century, financialised version.

Go a few minutes east of the city centre, and walk from New Islington into Ancoats. Block follows block of newly built and freshly converted flats and houses, many lining a lovely marina that glistens in the July sun. You can rent or buy these places right now, as long as you don’t mind how much some look like pile-em-high student boxes and that they all cost a packet. This is what post-industrial regeneration looks like, right? Redbrick in tooth and claw. But note something: almost 1,500 of these homes come from just one developer, and in that lies an entire sobering story.

Launched in 2014, Manchester Life was hailed as a “£1bn deal” between the city council and the Abu Dhabi-based owner of Manchester City football club. The local authority had swaths of brownfield and Sheikh Mansour, the club’s owner, ranked among the richest men on the planet. Working together, the result would be homes for people who desperately needed them and pots of cash. The council’s then leader, Richard Leese, promised “a world-class exemplar of regeneration”.

Meanwhile, human rights groups warned Manchester council about its powerful new business partner. The Abu Dhabi United Group investment fund is formally separate from the kingdom, but its owner, Sheikh Mansour, is the deputy prime minister of the United Arab Emirates and brother of Abu Dhabi’s ruling crown prince. In April, journalists at Der Spiegel magazine published documents suggesting that the state of Abu Dhabi had facilitated payments to Manchester City. At the very least, the investment fund is closely linked to what Amnesty International has described as “one of the most brutal police states in the Middle East”. To dissent in the UAE is to rot in jail, in a regime with proportionately more political prisoners than anywhere else in the world. Low-paid migrant nannies or builders are, Human Rights Watch says, “forced labour”. Yet such facts did not deter the council’s Labour leadership from going ahead.

It was a huge advance for Sheikh Mansour who had, only half a decade earlier in 2008, bought a struggling football club. Now his investment fund was entering a joint venture with the British state (albeit at local level), getting its hands on prime real estate and shaping the city’s very geography. Those of Vladimir Putin’s oligarchs who trousered chunks of London could never dream of such a glittering prize.

As one of the rulers of an autocratic kingdom that has an appalling reputation for repression and an addiction to oil revenues, Sheikh Mansour stood to gain so much from this partnership. It was the council that held almost all the cards: the hectares of publicly owned land, the planning regime, the public subsidies. Yet somehow, according to new research shared exclusively today with the Guardian and authored by academics at Sheffield University, it was Sheikh Mansour who pocketed almost all the winnings. The report says that nine sites were sold to the sheikh at a fraction of their value, and well below what other plots nearby fetched (the council says it used independent experts using standard valuations, although it won’t give any more details). They were on leases lasting 999 years, well beyond the norm. And the fund shifted what had been public assets to companies registered in Jersey.

That walk along the water from New Islington into Ancoats now passes blocks of privatised land owned in an offshore tax haven, which yields millions upon millions for a key member of the wealthy elite running a surveillance state halfway across the globe. One of the greatest cities in the world has sold itself to a senior figure in a brutal autocracy – and not even for a good price.

This is the devastating implication in the first thorough study of the Manchester Life scheme, which is a product of months poring over company accounts and planning applications. The city council is sometimes keener to criticise its critics than to hear what they have to say: Leese, its leader for 25 years until 2021, once responded to those calling for more affordable housing as “middle class tosspots and I hate them”. So let us knock on the head any personal attacks: the experts have all lived in the city for decades, I am one of the independent and unpaid advisers on the advisory panel, and this is a report issued squarely in the public interest.

Among a political establishment still scratching its head over how to level up, Manchester is celebrated as a pioneer. Its Labour leadership has been praised by Conservative administrations, while Osborne called its chief executive, Sir Howard Bernstein, “the star of British local government”.

Bernstein ran the council for nearly two decades until 2017, and sat on the board of Manchester Life. Yet its success has come at a high price for the little people who just happen to live in the city. Not only have the assets they owned been sold cheap, they have got little back. The nine developed sites have no social or affordable housing, which the council’s planning officers justified with statements such as: “There is already a high level of affordable housing in the immediate area.” The same council admitted earlier this year that nearly 4,000 of the city’s children sleep each night in temporary accommodation.

At the Manchester Life developments, a two-bed flat is considered a bargain if it goes for £369,000 – a price that puts it off limits to couples working full-time on an average salary. As for tax, the sums paid to the Exchequer seem risible. One of its main subsidiaries earned more than £26m in the five years to 2021, but, the researchers found, paid less than £10,000 in tax – an effective rate of just 4p on each £100 of revenue. Manchester Life told me that its subsidiaries “pay all UK corporation or income tax due on rental income and profits”. It would not, however, disclose how much tax it pays or on how much revenue.

It is right to say that New Islington and Ancoats are vastly more pleasant areas than they were even five years ago – but the big question is who has won from redevelopment and who has lost. Putting hard numbers on that is tricky when so much of the information about Manchester Life – a venture using public assets and public subsidy with a public authority – is kept strictly private.

I asked the report’s authors to calculate how much the council could have earned from this deal. Looking at examples of other land deals and other local councils, their conservative estimate is £33m, plus up to £1.7m a year in rent. Both the council and the joint venture described that sum as “speculative”. The council also said it expected more money to come through an overage or profit-share arrangement, although it did not provide any details of this agreement nor are they on public record. But for comparison, that £33m would more than cover what the city pays in a year to put up families in temporary housing.

Sheikh Mansour will presumably know exactly how much Manchester Life is netting him – and can look forward to 10 centuries of rental income from the land in this great city. He seems content with the arrangement. A few months after Bernstein retired from the council, he was appointed as the senior strategic adviser for City Football Group, owned by Sheikh Mansour. I asked the council what procedures it followed on Bernstein’s subsequent appointment with such an important business partner. It could not tell me.

Perhaps the nicest of the Manchester Life developments is Murrays’ Mill, a conversion of one of the world’s first steam-powered cotton mills into flats. It stands in the heart of Ancoats, alongside Bengal Street. My family is originally from Bengal, a region that once wove the best textiles in the world, muslins so fine that the French sighed over their perfection. It was the East India Company’s entry point into the riches of south Asia.

To look at such names carved on to brick is to remember how Manchester came to its industrial wealth and Britain to global pre-eminence, from cotton picked by enslaved people and through destroying foreign industrial competition, even criminalising the sale of Indian textiles. But today it symbolises something else: a country celebrating its receipt of capital from other states under the shabbiest of terms as a triumph. The difference is that Indians were under no illusions about what had befallen them.

a landrights campaign for Britain

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